Pew Research Center

Overall, Americans continue to rate economic conditions negatively, with just 23% calling them  excellent or good. And their expectations for the economy a year from now have grown more pessimistic since February. Prices of food and consumer goods, housing, and energy remain top economic concerns. These continue to rank higher on the public’s list of economic concerns than the availability of jobs or the state of the stock market. Note: This survey was conducted after Trump’s April 2 announcement of sweeping new tariffs on nearly all U.S. trading partners, which triggered several days of volatility in U.S. and global stock markets. The survey was in the field on April 9, when Trump paused tariffs on most countries but levied higher rates on China. Opinions about the economy and economic concerns were largely unchanged throughout the April 7-13 field period. Americans gloomy about current economic conditions; a growing share says the economy will be worse a year from now Just 23% of Americans rate national economic conditions as excellent or good, while 42% say they are only fair and 34% rate the economy as poor. The share who rate the economy positively is similar to the share who did so in February (24%). Positive evaluations of economic conditions have been below 30% for the past four years. Partisans’ views of the economy have changed with Trump in office Today, 36% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents rate the economy as excellent or good, compared with 11% of Democrats and Democratic leaners. In February, these views were roughly reversed, with 30% of Democrats and 18% of Republicans rating the economy positively. Republicans’ ratings of the economy today are roughly on par with where they were in March 2017, early in Trump’s first term, when 37% rated the economy positively. At that time, Americans’ overall views of the economy were considerably more positive than they are today (41% then vs. 23% now) and 44% of Democrats had a positive view. While overall economic views have remained relatively steady since February, the public’s expectations for the economy a year from now have soured somewhat. 45% of Americans say they expect economic conditions to be worse a year from now, up from 37% in February. Another 36% of the public expect the economy will be better in a year, while 19% say it will be about the same as today. Republicans remain more optimistic than Democrats about the economy’s future. But since February, positive expectations have declined among both parties: Among Republicans 65% expect the economy to be better a year from now, down from 73% in February. 15% expect the economy will be worse a year from now, up from 9% in February. Among Democrats 74% say the economy will be worse a year from now, up 10 percentage points since February. 17% expect the economy to be about the same as it is now, and only 8% think the economy will be better a year from now. Prices of housing, food and consumer goods remain the public’s top economic concerns Prices for food and consumer goods, housing, and energy continue to be Americans’ leading economic concerns. However, the shares saying they are very concerned about these have declined since last year, mostly driven by changes among Republicans. Two-thirds of Americans are very concerned about the price of food and consumer goods. In September, 74% said they were very concerned about these prices. There also have been declines in the shares citing housing costs and the price of gasoline and energy as major economic concerns. Currently, 61% say they are very concerned about housing prices, down from 69% in September. Fewer than half of adults (46%) say they are very concerned about the price of gasoline and energy, down somewhat since January 2024 (51%). The share of adults who are very concerned about the availability of jobs is essentially unchanged over this period (41% today vs. 40% in September). Concerns about the state of the stock market are higher than they were last year, though they still rank lower than other items. Today, 36% of Americans say they are very concerned about how the stock market is doing, up 12 points from September. Republicans’ concerns about several economic factors have decreased over this period, while Democrats’ concerns have increased. Price of food and consumer goods 57% of Republicans are very concerned about food and consumer prices, down from 85% in September. By contrast, 78% of Democrats are very concerned about these prices, compared with 64% in September. Housing costs Today, about half of Republicans (51%) say they are very concerned about the cost of housing, down sharply from 72% in September. Democrats’ concerns about housing costs have increased somewhat since September (71% today vs. 66% then). Stock market The share of Democrats who are very concerned about how the stock market is doing has nearly tripled since September, from 17% to 49%. There has been far less change among Republicans. Currently, 24% are very concerned about the stock market, down from 31% in September. There are similar patterns in concerns about the price of gasoline and energy and concerns about the job market. source

President Donald Trump speaks to members of the media on the South Lawn of the White House on April 3, 2025. (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images) How we did this Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand how Americans view President Donald Trump and the recent actions his administration has taken on key issues. For this analysis, we surveyed 3,589 adults from April 7 to April 13, 2025. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), a group of people recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses who have agreed to take surveys regularly. This kind of recruitment gives nearly all U.S. adults a chance of selection. Interviews were conducted either online or by telephone with a live interviewer. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other factors. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. Here are the questions used for this report, the topline and the survey methodology. With President Donald Trump’s second term approaching its 100-day mark, 40% of Americans approve of how he’s handling the job – a decline of 7 percentage points from February. And, even as Trump continues to receive high marks from his strongest supporters, several of his key policy actions are viewed more negatively than positively by the public: 59% of Americans disapprove of the administration’s tariff increases, while 39% approve. 55% disapprove of the cuts the administration is making to federal departments and agencies, while 44% approve. Trump’s use of executive authority also comes in for criticism: 51% of U.S. adults say he is setting too much policy via executive order. Far smaller shares say he is doing about the right amount (27%) or too little (5%) through executive orders. Note: This survey was conducted after Trump’s April 2 announcement of sweeping new tariffs on nearly all U.S. trading partners, which triggered several days of volatility in U.S. and global stock markets. The survey was in the field on April 9 when Trump paused tariffs on most countries but levied higher rates on China. Americans’ opinions (including those about the economy and tariffs) were largely unchanged throughout the April 7-13 field period. With many of the administration’s actions facing legal challenges in federal courts, there is widespread – largely bipartisan – sentiment that the administration would have to end an action if a federal court deemed it illegal. 78% say the Trump administration should have to follow a federal court’s ruling, rising to 88% if the Supreme Court were to issue the ruling. 91% of Democrats and 65% of Republicans say the administration would need to stop an action if a federal court ruled it illegal, rising to 95% of Democrats and 82% of Republicans for a Supreme Court ruling. However, the latest national survey by Pew Research Center, conducted April 7-13 among 3,589 adults, finds much wider partisan differences in evaluations of Trump’s overall job performance and some key policies. Seven-in-ten or more Republicans and Republican-leaning independents approve of: Trump’s job performance (75%) The administration’s cuts to government (78%) Increased tariffs (70%) Ending diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) policies in the federal government (78%) By comparison, even wider majorities of Democrats and Democratic leaners disapprove of: Trump’s job performance (93%) The administration’s cuts to government (89%) Increased tariffs (90%) Ending DEI policies in the federal government (86%) Trump’s job rating compared with his first term and his predecessors Trump’s current approval rating of 40% is on par with his rating at this point in his first term. It remains lower than other recent presidents’ approval ratings in the early months of their presidencies. Among Trump’s predecessors dating back to Ronald Reagan, the only other leader who did not enjoy majority approval at his 100-day mark is Bill Clinton (49% approval in April 1993). In April 2021, Joe Biden’s job approval rating stood at 59% – though it would drop substantially to 44% by September of that year. Read Chapter 1 for more on Trump’s approval rating and explore demographic breaks in the detailed tables. In their own words: How Americans view the first months of Trump’s presidency Asked to describe what they like most – and least – about the administration’s actions so far, similar topics come up in both questions, though to different degrees. Immigration actions Trump’s immigration actions top the list of what Americans say they like most about the administration: 20% point to immigration, including 7% who specifically mention Trump’s deportation actions. But immigration actions, including deportations, also are cited by 11% of Americans as the thing they like least about the administration. Related: Americans’ Views of Deportations Approach to governing About two-in-ten Americans (22%) describe an aspect of Trump’s governing approach as what they like least about the administration. This includes mentions of “carelessness” (3%), Cabinet and other staffing picks (2%), perceived targeting of law firms and universities (2%), and terms like “authoritarian” or “dictator” (3%). Conversely, 11% of Americans cite his “keeping promises” or “getting things done” as what they like most. Tariffs and cuts to government Tariffs and trade policy (15%) and government cuts (11%) are both mentioned by at least one-in-ten Americans as actions they like least. But these are also volunteered by sizable shares (6% and 9%, respectively) as aspects of Trump’s presidency they like most. Views of cuts to the federal government As the administration continues to plan and implement large-scale reductions across federal agencies, 59% of Americans say it is being “too careless” in how it makes these cuts. And the public is more likely to see the cuts having negative, rather than positive, effects. 51% say the cuts will make the government run worse, while 36% say they will make the government run better. 48% expect the cuts will cost Americans money in the long run. Fewer (41%) say the cuts will save money. Read Chapter 3 for more on the Trump administration’s actions. Other key findings The

Following Trump’s record-breaking series of executive orders at the start of his second term, many of his administration’s actions are being held up in federal court as judges weigh whether or not they are legal. With the status of some of these actions uncertain, 51% of Americans say Trump is doing too much by executive order, while 5% believe he is doing too little. About a quarter (27%) say Trump is doing about the right amount, with 16% unsure. Democrats overwhelmingly say Trump is doing too much by executive order (80%). And while 51% of Republicans say he’s doing about the right amount, about two-in-ten say he’s doing too much (21%) or that they are unsure (20%). Expectations for the administration’s response to federal courts If a federal court rules that an action by the Trump administration is illegal, nearly eight-in-ten Americans (78%) say the administration has to follow the court’s ruling and stop its action. This includes an overwhelming majority of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (91%), as well as most Republican and Republican leaners (65%). When pressed further on whether the Trump administration would need to follow a Supreme Court ruling, even fewer say the administration could disregard rulings from both courts: Just 9% of Americans say the Trump administration would not need to stop an action ruled illegal by a federal court and by the Supreme Court. 10% say the administration would not have to abide by a federal court ruling blocking its action but would need to stop if the Supreme Court ruled it illegal. Relatively small shares in both parties say the administration would be free to continue an action ruled illegal by the Supreme Court: Just 14% of Republicans and 4% of Democrats say that if the Supreme Court rules an action by the administration illegal, it does not have to follow the Supreme Court’s ruling. We asked a separate half of survey respondents a slightly different question: Would it be a problem if the Trump administration refused to stop an action after the court ruled against it? Responses follow a similar pattern: Democrats overwhelmingly say it would be a major problem if the Trump administration did not stop an action ruled illegal in federal court (89%). Three-quarters of Republicans say this would be either a major (39%) or minor (36%) problem. Ethical standards of Trump administration officials Americans offer mixed assessments on the ethical standards of Trump administration officials. While 36% of adults rate the ethical standards of top administration officials as excellent or good, 43% rate them as poor. An additional 19% say their ethics are only fair. Assessments of Trump officials’ ethics versus Biden officials’ ethics Evaluations of Trump officials’ ethical standards are more negative than evaluations of Biden officials’ ethics were at this point in Biden’s presidency. In April 2021, roughly half of Americans (52%) rated the ethical standards of Biden administration officials as excellent or good, while about a quarter each rated their ethics as only fair (22%) or poor (25%). Public evaluations of Biden officials’ ethics declined later in his presidency. They were also less polarized than current evaluations of Trump officials: The share of Americans rating Trump officials’ ethics as excellent today is higher than the share saying this about Biden officials in 2023 (16% vs. 9%). But the share rating Trump officials’ ethics as poor is also higher than the share who rated Biden officials this way (43% vs. 32%). Current ratings of Trump officials’ ethics are on par with those measured during his first term. And they’re lower than ratings of other presidential administrations measured in phone surveys dating back to the Reagan administration. Republicans and Democrats have very different views of Trump officials’ ethical standards: Nearly seven-in-ten Republicans rate the ethical standards of Trump officials as excellent (32%) or good (37%), compared with 21% who say only fair and 9% who say poor. About eight-in-ten Democrats (78%) rate these officials’ ethics as poor, with just 6% saying they are excellent or good. Americans’ trust in Trump’s statements About half of Americans (48%) trust what Trump says less than previous presidents; a smaller share (32%) say they trust what he says more. About two-in-ten (19%) say they trust what Trump says about the same amount as previous presidents. Democrats are far more skeptical than Republicans of the things Trump says: Democrats overwhelmingly trust what Trump says less than past presidents (82%), with just 6% saying they trust him more. By comparison, a 60% majority of Republicans trust Trump more than past presidents. Republicans are also about twice as likely as Democrats to say they trust the things Trump says about the same amount as previous presidents (25% vs. 11%). Who do Americans think Trump should represent? In both parties, wide majorities say Trump should primarily focus on addressing the concerns of all Americans – even if it means disappointing some of his supporters – rather than focusing mainly on the concerns of his supporters. Republicans overwhelmingly say Trump should focus on addressing the concerns of all Americans (81%), rather than just those who voted for him. More than nine-in-ten Democrats (93%) say the same. source

(PeopleImages/Getty Images) How we did this This Pew Research Center analysis focuses on public opinion of free speech, freedom of the press and freedom on the internet in 35 countries across the Asia-Pacific region, Europe, Latin America, the Middle East-North Africa region, North America and sub-Saharan Africa. Views of the importance of these various freedoms are examined in the context of long-term trend data. The report also explores people’s perceptions of how free they are to express themselves and use the internet without restrictions and how free the media are to report the news, as well as people’s concerns about the spread of misinformation in their country.  For non-U.S. data, this report draws on nationally representative surveys of 40,494 adults conducted from Jan. 5 to May 22, 2024. All surveys were conducted over the phone with adults in Canada, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Singapore, South Korea, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. Surveys were conducted face-to-face in Argentina, Bangladesh, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ghana, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Israel, Kenya, Mexico, Nigeria, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Turkey. In Australia, we used a mixed-mode probability-based online panel. In the United States, we surveyed 3,600 adults from April 1 to April 7, 2024; 5,123 adults from Feb. 24 to March 2, 2025; and 3,605 adults from March 24 to March 30, 2025. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), a group of people recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses who have agreed to take surveys regularly. This kind of recruitment gives nearly all U.S. adults a chance of selection. Surveys were conducted either online or by telephone with a live interviewer. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other factors. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. To compare educational groups across countries, we standardize education levels based on the UN’s International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED). Prior to 2024, combined totals were based on rounded topline figures. For all reports beginning in 2024, totals are based on unrounded topline figures, so combined totals might be different than in previous years. Refer to the 2024 topline to see our new rounding procedures applied to past years’ data. Here are the questions used for the report, along with responses, and the survey methodology. Amid global debates about press freedom, free speech and freedom on the internet, new surveys of 35 countries show there is a disconnect between how people rate the importance of these freedoms and how free they actually feel to express themselves. Overall, a median of 61% of adults across 35 countries say having freedom of the press in their country is very important, with another 23% saying it is somewhat important. But only 28% say the media are completely free to report the news in their country, with an additional 38% saying the media are somewhat free. What is a freedom gap? We use the term “press freedom gap” to describe the difference between the share of people who say free media without censorship are important to have in their country, and the share who say media in their country are actually free to report the news. Similarly, we use “speech freedom gap” and “internet freedom gap” in reference to questions on those topics. Similarly, a median of 59% globally say having freedom of speech in their country is very important, while 31% say speech is completely free where they live. This so-called “freedom gap” – where the share of people who value free speech is larger than the share who believe they have it – appears in 31 of the 35 countries surveyed. On the subject of freedom on the internet, a median of 55% say the ability to use the internet freely is very important, while 50% say they are completely free to use the internet in their country. Majorities in over half the nations surveyed also say made-up news and information is a very big problem in their country. Concerns about fabricated or manipulated news are pervasive across all regions but generally more intense in countries classified as middle-income. Still, majorities see made-up news and information as a very big problem in the high-income countries of South Korea (73%), Chile (72%), Greece (65%), France (63%), Germany (62%), Spain (61%) and Japan (59%). (We surveyed 17 middle-income countries and 18 high-income countries. Refer to the Appendix for a classification of these nations.) Furthermore, in every country surveyed except Singapore, a majority of adults say that made-up news and information is at least a moderately big problem. These perceptions are tied to people’s overall satisfaction with democracy. In many of the countries surveyed, those who express the most concern over made-up news and information are less likely to say they are satisfied with the state of their nation’s democracy. We mostly observe this pattern in high-income countries like Canada, Greece, Hungary, Israel, Sweden and the United Kingdom – several of which have seen an overall decline in satisfaction with democracy in recent years. Dissatisfaction with democracy during the 2024 year of global elections Voters in more than 60 countries went to the polls in 2024. In many of these countries, incumbents lost or suffered major electoral setbacks. Frustration with the way representative democracy is working played a key role in these elections. For more, read our data essay “Global Elections in 2024: What We Learned in a Year of Political Disruption.” Views of the importance of free speech, free press and internet freedom are also linked with concerns about fabricated news. In many countries, people who say these freedoms are very important are more likely to consider made-up news and information a very big problem where they live. For more, read Chapter 1 of this report. The rest of this overview explores: How important are free press, free speech and freedom on the internet? Generally, people around the

Over the last few months, the Trump administration has moved to reduce the size of the federal government, substantially increase tariffs on imported goods from most countries, and end diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) policies in the federal government. The public views all three of these actions more negatively than positively. Still, large majorities of Republicans say they approve of each. Americans name a wide variety of actions when asked to describe what they like most and least about Trump’s second administration so far. Immigration actions come up most frequently as the thing respondents like most about the administration (20% mention this), though 11% mention immigration actions as what they least like. Another 30% volunteer “nothing” when asked what they like most. And while Americans most often cite the way the administration is governing as what they like least (22%), tariffs (15%) and government cuts (11%) are also mentioned frequently. Jump to Americans’ responses to our open-ended questions. Cuts to federal departments and agencies A 55% majority of Americans disapprove of the cuts that the Trump administration is making to federal departments and agencies, while 44% approve. By a wide margin, Republicans approve of the administration’s cuts. By an even wider margin, Democrats disapprove: 78% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents approve of these cuts. 89% of Democrats and Democratic leaners disapprove. While views are largely split along partisan lines, 22% of Republicans disapprove of the administration’s government cuts – twice the share of Democrats who approve (11%). Ideology Conservative Republicans are particularly likely to approve of the administration’s cuts to government (87%). This includes 57% who strongly approve. Moderate and liberal Republicans approve of the cuts by a narrower – though still nearly two-to-one – margin (64% approve, 35% disapprove). Nearly all liberal Democrats (96%) and a large majority of conservative and moderate Democrats (83%) disapprove of the administration’s cuts. But liberal Democrats are more likely to say they strongly disapprove (81% vs. 54%). Effects of the federal government cuts Have cuts to government been careless or careful? Views of the way the Trump administration has been making cuts to federal departments and agencies are more negative than positive: About six-in-ten (59%) say the administration has been “too careless” in making cuts. Fewer say its approach has been about right (34%) or “too careful” (5%). Will cuts make government better or worse at meeting Americans’ needs? About half (51%) say the cuts will make government worse at meeting Americans’ needs. Roughly a third (34%) say they will make government better at this. Will cuts make government run better or worse? Similarly, 51% say the cuts will make government run worse, while 36% say they will make it run better. Will cuts save money or cost money? And about half (48%) say the cuts will cost Americans money in the long run. About four-in-ten (41%) say they will save Americans money in the long run. Partisans have different expectations about the impact of federal government cuts Among Democrats About nine-in-ten Democrats (89%) say the administration’s approach to cutting federal government has been too careless. Eight-in-ten Democrats or more say the Trump administration’s approach will make government worse at meeting people’s needs (83%), make government run worse (84%), and cost Americans money in the long run (80%). No more than one-in-ten say these cuts will improve how the federal government functions or save Americans money. Among Republicans Most Republicans are optimistic about the impact of the cuts. Six-in-ten or more say they will make the federal government better at meeting people’s needs (63%), make government run better (67%), and save Americans money in the long run (75%). Two-in-ten Republicans or fewer say the cuts will have negative effects in these areas. About six-in-ten Republicans (62%) say the cuts have been handled about right, while 7% say the administration has been too careful. Roughly three-in-ten (29%) say the administration’s approach to cuts has been too careless. Tariff increases Nearly six-in-ten Americans (59%) disapprove of the Trump administration’s tariff increases on goods imported from most countries that trade with the U.S., including 43% who strongly disapprove. About four-in-ten (39%) approve of these increases, including 17% who strongly approve. (The survey was in the field on April 9, when the administration announced a 90-day pause on some tariffs. There were no significant differences in views of the administration’s tariff actions when comparing interviews completed before and after the announcement.) Political party Democrats overwhelmingly disapprove of the tariff increases: 90% disapprove, including 74% who strongly disapprove. 70% of Republicans approve, including 34% who strongly approve. Race and ethnicity White adults are closely divided on the administration’s tariff actions, with 53% disapproving and 46% approving. By contrast, 79% of Black adults disapprove of the tariff increases, as do 70% of Asian adults and 66% of Hispanic adults. Age Younger adults are less likely than older adults to approve of the administration’s tariff policy: 45% of those ages 50 and older approve, compared with 34% of adults under 50. This pattern holds among Republicans: 80% of Republicans ages 50 and older approve of the tariff increases, compared with 60% of Republicans ages 18 to 49. There are no age differences among Democrats. Household income There are only modest differences in these views by income, with middle-income Americans (41%) slightly more likely to approve of the tariff increases than those living in lower-income (37%) or upper-income (36%) households. Self-reported 2024 vote Trump’s 2024 voters largely approve of the tariffs (81%), while those who voted for Democratic candidate Kamala Harris in 2024 overwhelmingly disapprove (93%). Voters who strongly supported Trump in the 2024 election express more support – and much more intense support – for the administration’s tariff policy than those who supported him less strongly: 88% of his strong supporters approve of the tariffs, including 56% who strongly approve. Among Trump’s less enthusiastic supporters in 2024, 68% support the tariffs, and 20% do so strongly; 30% disapprove of the administration’s tariff increases. Ending DEI policies in the federal

Here are several key takeaways about Americans’ views of Russia: Half of U.S. adults see Russia as an enemy of the U.S., down from 61% in 2024. More Republicans see Russia as a competitor than as an enemy for the first time since before the Russia-Ukraine war started. While most Americans – including majorities of Democrats and Republicans – continue to express negative views of Russia and Putin, smaller shares of Republicans express very unfavorable opinions of Russia and no confidence at all in Putin than in 2024. Opinions among Democrats have not changed much. Is Russia a competitor, partner or enemy of the U.S? Half of Americans today label Russia as an enemy of the U.S., while 38% see Russia as a competitor and 9% see it as a partner. This represents an 11-point drop in views of Russia as an enemy since last year and a 20-point drop since March 2022, just weeks after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Still, more Americans see Russia as an enemy now than they did before the invasion (50% vs. 41% in January 2022). Partisanship Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents are more likely than Republicans and Republican leaners to see Russia as an enemy of the U.S. (62% vs. 40%). Republicans are about as likely to see Russia as an enemy now as they were before the current conflict in Ukraine began. In January 2022, just before Russia invaded Ukraine, 39% of Republicans saw Russia as an enemy. This share increased to 69% in the early months of the war and has fallen fairly steadily since. Republicans are also twice as likely as Democrats to see Russia as a partner of the U.S. (12% vs. 6%). Favorability of Russia Americans continue to have negative views of Russia. In the current survey, 13% see Russia very or somewhat favorably, while 85% see it very or somewhat unfavorably. These are generally similar to ratings in 2024. Strongly negative views of Russia have been declining in recent years. Currently, 51% of Americans have a very unfavorable opinion of the country. As recently as March 2022, 69% had a very unfavorable view of Russia. Partisanship There are some differences in views of Russia by party. About four-in-ten Republicans (41%) hold a very unfavorable view of Russia, compared with 62% of Democrats. Inversely, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to have a favorable view of Russia (16% vs. 9%). Confidence in Putin Americans’ confidence in the Russian president remains low as well. About one-in-ten (12%) have at least some confidence in Putin to do the right thing regarding world affairs, compared with 84% who have little or no confidence in his leadership. In fact, a 57% majority of Americans have no confidence at all in Putin. Partisanship and views over time As with views of Russia, attitudes toward Putin have shifted slightly in recent years. In 2024, 67% of Americans had no confidence at all in Putin, including 75% of Democrats and 61% of Republicans. But in the current survey, 43% of Republicans have no confidence at all in Putin, an 18-point decline. Around seven-in-ten Democrats (72%) have no confidence at all in Putin, little changed from last year. source

Here are several key takeaways about U.S. opinion of the war between Russia and Ukraine: Democrats and Republicans are divided – and this divide has grown wider – when it comes to U.S. responsibility to help Ukraine defend itself and levels of concern over possible conflict outcomes. The survey asked about how committed four world leaders are to lasting peace between Russia and Ukraine: French President Emmanuel Macron, Russian President Vladimir Putin, U.S. President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. A majority of Americans say Zelenskyy is committed to lasting peace, while 19% say the same of Putin. Fewer than half (47%) say Trump is committed to peace, and 45% say this of Macron. U.S. responsibility to help Ukraine More than four-in-ten Americans (44%) say the U.S. has a responsibility to help Ukraine defend itself from Russia’s invasion, while 53% say the nation does not have this responsibility. Views on this issue have shifted over recent months. Fewer Americans now believe the U.S. has a responsibility to help Ukraine in its war against Russia than said so in a November 2024 survey fielded after the U.S. presidential election. At that time, 50% held this opinion. Partisanship and age Opinion on the United States’ responsibility to Ukraine is divided along partisan lines. Two-thirds of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say the U.S. has a responsibility help Ukraine defend itself, compared with 23% of Republicans and Republican leaners. The share of Republicans who believe the U.S. should aid in Ukraine’s defense has dropped 13 points since November, while the share of Democrats who say the same is largely unchanged over the same period. Partisans are also divided by age. Republicans and Democrats ages 50 and older are more likely than their younger counterparts to say the U.S. has a responsibility to help Ukraine. National and personal importance of the Russia-Ukraine war Roughly seven-in-ten Americans (69%) view the war between Russia and Ukraine as important to U.S. national interests. A 56% majority of U.S. adults also say the Russia-Ukraine war is at least somewhat important to them personally. Partisanship and age Views of the war’s national and personal importance vary by party. Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say that the war is important on both counts. Liberal Democrats are especially likely to say the Russia-Ukraine war is important both to U.S. national interests and to them personally: About nine-in-ten liberal Democrats (88%) say this, compared with 72% of conservative or moderate Democrats. Conservative Republicans are more likely than liberal or moderate Republicans to view the war as important to U.S. interests (66% vs. 58%). The share of Republicans who say the war between Russia and Ukraine is important to them personally has dropped by 9 points since January 2024, and the share who say it is important to U.S. interests has dropped by 6 points. In comparison, views of the war’s personal importance among Democrats remain unchanged over the same period, and the share of Democrats who see the war as important to U.S. interests has declined by only 3 points. Views also vary by age more generally, with older U.S. adults more likely to consider the Russia-Ukraine war important personally and nationally. About three-quarters of Americans ages 65 and older say the war is at least somewhat important to them personally, while half of adults under 30 say the same. There’s a similar gap in the shares of older and younger Americans who see the war as at least somewhat important to U.S. national interests (81% vs. 61%). Differences between older and younger adults are evident among both Republicans and Democrats. Older Republicans (those ages 50 and older) are more likely than younger Republicans ages 18 to 49 (70% vs. 56%) to say the Russia-Ukraine war is important to U.S. national interests. And older Democrats are more likely to say this than younger Democrats (84% vs. 73%). This pattern holds on the question of the war’s personal importance. Views of Russia Americans who consider Russia an enemy of the U.S. are more likely than those who view Russia as a partner or competitor to see the war as important both to U.S. interests and to themselves personally. Roughly seven-in-ten of those who see Russia as an enemy (68%) say that the war is at least somewhat important to them personally, compared with 45% among those who see Russia as a competitor and 41% of those who see Russia as a partner. Differences by views of Russia also exist on the question about national importance. Concerns about possible outcomes of the Russia-Ukraine war More than four-in-ten U.S. adults (43%) are extremely or very concerned about Ukraine possibly being defeated and taken over by Russia; another 29% are somewhat concerned and 28% are not too or not at all concerned. Nearly half (47%) are extremely or very concerned about Russia invading other countries in the region, while 26% are somewhat and 26% not too or not at all concerned. Concerns about both situations have not changed much over the past year, but are lower than when the public was first asked about these outcomes in the early months of Russia’s invasion. In April 2022, 55% were extremely or very concerned about a Ukrainian defeat, and 59% said the same about a wider Russian invasion. Partisanship Democrats have long been more likely than Republicans to say they are extremely or very concerned about both a possible Ukrainian defeat and a Russian invasion of other countries in the region. But the partisan gap on each of these questions has grown wider over the past year. Today, 29% of Republicans are extremely or very concerned about Russia invading other countries in the region, down from 42% in July 2024. Democrats’ opinions have not changed as much. World leaders’ commitment to lasting peace between Russia and Ukraine A majority of Americans (59%) say that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is committed to lasting peace between Russia and Ukraine, while 47% say this about U.S. President Donald

Most Americans say China’s international influence has been growing stronger in recent years. Still, Americans tend to say the U.S. – not China – is the world’s top economic and military power. Americans see China’s global influence getting stronger A 73% majority of Americans say China’s influence in the world has been getting stronger in recent years. A similar share (71%) held this view in 2024. About two-in-ten (19%) say China’s influence has stayed about the same, while 6% say it’s getting weaker. Views by party Unlike many other opinions related to China, there are no significant differences between Republicans and Democrats on this question. About equal shares in both parties say that China is growing stronger (71% vs. 75%). Views by age Americans ages 50 and older are slightly more likely than adults under 50 to say China’s global influence is getting stronger (76% vs. 70%). Which country is the leading economic power? About half of Americans (48%) think the U.S. is the world’s leading economic power. Another 38% say it’s China, and smaller shares name Japan (7%) or the EU (6%). These views are largely unchanged since we last asked this question in 2023, though the share naming the U.S. as the world’s top economic power has been as high as 54% in 2020. Views by party The stability of these views overall hides major partisan shifts that have occurred over the past two years. In 2023, Republicans were about equally likely to describe the U.S. (46%) and China (45%) as the world’s leading economy. Among Republicans, the share naming the U.S. as the top economy has gone up 12 points, while the share naming China has fallen by about the same amount. Today, a clear majority of Republicans (58%) name the U.S. as the world’s top economic power, compared with 32% who name China. Democrats are now about equally likely to name China (43%) and the U.S. (40%) as the world’s leading economic power. By comparison, 52% of Democrats said the U.S. was the top economy in 2023, and 33% said China. Views by age Older Americans are less likely than younger people to say China is the world’s leading economic power. Among those ages 65 and older, 27% name China as the top economy – a much larger share (60%) name the U.S. In comparison, adults under 30 are about equally likely to see China and the U.S. as the world’s top economic power. Which country is the leading military power? Most Americans (76%) say the U.S. is the world’s leading military power. Fewer say the top military power is China (14%) or Russia (8%). Compared with 2022, Americans are more likely to see the U.S. as the world’s leading military power (+6 points), but they are still less likely than they were in 2020 to hold this view. Views by party Republicans are more likely than Democrats to see the U.S. as the world’s leading military power, though majorities of both parties hold this view (80% and 73%). This is a reversal from 2022, when Democrats were more likely than Republicans to see the U.S. as the leading military power (75% vs. 67%) and less likely than Republicans to name China (16% vs. 22%). source

Americans tend to believe the U.S.-China trade relationship benefits China more than the U.S.: 46% hold this view, while a quarter say both countries benefit equally and 10% say the U.S. benefits more. Nonetheless, Americans are skeptical that increased tariffs on Chinese imports will have a positive effect on the country or on their own lives.  (The survey was conducted March 24-30, 2025, after President Donald Trump implemented tariffs on China in February and again in early March, but before further tariffs were imposed in April. China responded with tariffs on the U.S. both before and after the survey was fielded.) Who benefits most from the U.S.-China trade relationship? When asked whether one country benefits more from U.S.-China trade, the largest share of Americans (46%) say China does, largely unchanged since we last asked the question in 2023. The U.S.-China trade relationship is seen as more unbalanced than the U.S.-Canada or U.S.-Mexico trade relationships. For more on U.S. assessments of trade with the country’s top trade partners, read “How Americans view trade between the U.S. and China, Canada and Mexico.” Views by party Republicans and Democrats see different winners in the U.S.-China trade relationship. Among Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, a 60% majority say China benefits more from U.S.-China trade. Conservative Republicans are especially likely to hold this view (69%). In comparison, Democrats and Democratic leaners are equally divided between saying China benefits more and saying the two countries benefit equally (34% take each stance). Views by age Older Americans are more likely than younger adults to see China as the main beneficiary of trade between the U.S. and China. A majority of those ages 65 and older (56%) say China benefits more than the U.S., compared with 27% of those ages 18 to 29. How do Americans feel about increased tariffs on China? As of mid-April, Trump has implemented increasingly high tariffs on imports from China – adding to the tariffs put in place during his first administration. Many more Americans think increased tariffs on China will be bad for the U.S. – and for them personally – than say these tariffs will be good. Around a quarter say either that increased tariffs will have no effect on the U.S. or that they are unsure about tariffs’ national effects. Over a third say the same about how tariffs will affect them personally. When we asked similar questions in 2021, people were more likely to say tariffs would have a negative impact on the country than on themselves personally. Now, relatively equal shares anticipate a negative impact on both. Americans who think the U.S. benefits more than China does from U.S.-China trade are far more likely to see the tariffs as bad than good for the country (68% vs. 18%). The same is true for those who think both countries benefit equally from U.S.-China trade – they tend to say tariffs will affect the U.S. negatively (71%) rather than positively (11%). Those who say China benefits more from U.S.-China trade are about equally likely to say tariffs on China will be bad for the U.S. as to say they will be good (41% vs. 37%). For more views of increasing tariffs on China, read “Americans Give Early Trump Foreign Policy Actions Mixed or Negative Reviews.” source