Pew Research Center

Harris, Trump Voters Differ Over Election Security, Vote Counts and Hacking Concerns

Just 20% of voters are highly confident the Supreme Court would be politically neutral if it rules on legal issues in 2024 election A voter drops off their mail-in ballot in a collection box on Oct. 15, 2024, in Doylestown, Pennsylvania. (Hannah Beier/Getty Images) Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand Americans’ views of voting and their expectations around the 2024 presidential election. For this analysis, we surveyed 5,110 U.S. adults – including 4,025 registered voters – from Sept. 30 to Oct. 6, 2024. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), a group of people recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses who have agreed to take surveys regularly. This kind of recruitment gives nearly all U.S. adults a chance of selection. Surveys were conducted either online or by telephone with a live interviewer. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other factors. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. Here are the questions used for this report, the topline and the survey methodology. With voting underway in the 2024 presidential race, majorities of American voters are at least somewhat confident that the election will be run smoothly, that votes will be counted accurately and that ineligible voters will be prevented from casting ballots. But supporters of Kamala Harris and Donald Trump have sharply different expectations for how this year’s election may unfold. In many cases, these differences are as wide as they were in the lead-up to the 2020 election. Harris supporters are more optimistic about the way the election will be run: 90% say they are at least somewhat confident that elections across the United States will be administered well. This compares with 57% of Trump supporters who are confident the election will be run smoothly. This pattern in views extends to other aspects of the presidential race: Harris supporters are more confident than Trump supporters that, after all the votes are counted, it will be clear who won (85% vs. 58%). Harris supporters are much more confident that mail-in ballots will be counted as voters intend (85% vs. 38%). Harris supporters also are more confident that election systems across the U.S. are secure from hacking and other technological threats (73% vs. 32%). The latest national survey by Pew Research Center, conducted among 5,110 U.S. adults (including 4,025 registered voters) from Sept. 30 to Oct. 6, 2024, finds that voters who support Harris are more confident in the way the 2024 election will unfold than President Joe Biden’s supporters were four years ago. And those who support Trump are deeply skeptical about the way the election will be conducted – expressing even less confidence on some election issues than his supporters did four years ago. Wide partisan gaps in election confidence since 2020 In 2018, Republican candidate supporters were 8 percentage points more likely than Democratic candidate supporters to say that year’s midterm election would be run well. By 2020, Biden’s supporters were 22 points more likely than Trump’s to expect the election to run smoothly. The gap this year is even wider: 33 points between Harris and Trump supporters. Harris, Trump supporters differ on whether votes will be counted accurately  As was the case four years ago, Trump supporters are particularly skeptical that absentee and mail-in ballots will be counted as voters intend. Harris supporters are more than twice as likely as Trump supporters to say they are very or somewhat confident that absentee and mail-in ballots will be counted accurately (85% vs. 38%). By contrast, sizable majorities of both coalitions (93% of Harris supporters, 77% of Trump supporters) are at least somewhat confident that in-person votes will be counted accurately. However, far more Harris (57%) than Trump (24%) supporters are very confident this will happen. There is broad confidence among voters overall that local poll workers and state election officials will do a good job during the upcoming election. Yet Harris supporters are more likely than Trump supporters to express a high degree of confidence in these administrators. Read more on views of election administration and vote counting in Chapter 1 Related: Key facts about U.S. poll workers Voters’ views of illegal voting, access to voting Roughly nine-in-ten among both Trump and Harris supporters are confident that eligible voters will be able to cast a ballot if they want to. But there are bigger divisions on whether people who are ineligible to vote will be prevented from doing so. Today, 87% of Harris voters are at least somewhat confident that ineligible voters will be prevented from casting ballots. Just 30% of Trump supporters say this. Most voters are at least somewhat confident that it will be clear which candidate won the election after all the votes are counted. But here again, Harris backers (85%) are much more likely than Trump supporters (58%) to express confidence that the winner will be clear. Do voters think election systems in the U.S. are safe from hacking? Overall, 52% of voters are at least somewhat confident that U.S. election systems are secure from hacking and other technological threats. Nearly as many voters (47%) are not confident about this. 73% of Harris supporters say they are confident that election systems are secure. This is higher than the share of Biden supporters who said this in the weeks before the 2020 election (53%). The pattern is reversed among Trump supporters: 32% now say election systems are secure from hacking and other technological threats, down from 60% four years ago. Other findings: Voters’ plans for casting ballots, confidence in Supreme Court to be politically neutral if it must resolve 2024 election challenges A smaller share of voters plan to cast ballots by mail compared with 2020. Four years ago, during the COVID-19 pandemic, a record share of voters cast ballots by mail in the presidential election. Today, a much smaller share of voters plan to vote by mail

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6. How men and women rate their own masculinity and femininity

To understand how U.S. adults see their own masculinity and femininity, we asked men and women to rate themselves on two scales: A masculinity scale from 0 to 4, where 0 means not at all masculine and 4 means extremely masculine. A femininity scale from 0 to 4, where 0 means not at all feminine and 4 means extremely feminine. We then subtracted ratings on the femininity scale from ratings on the masculinity scale to come up with an overall rating for each respondent. For example, if someone rated themselves a 4 on the masculinity scale and a 1 on the femininity scale, their overall rating would be 3. We created the following categories based on overall ratings: Highly masculine (4, 3) Lean masculine (2, 1) Neither masculine nor feminine or equally masculine and feminine (0) Lean feminine (-1, -2) Highly feminine (-3, -4) How men and women rate themselves on a masculine-feminine scale Overall, 42% of men rate themselves as highly masculine, while a similar share (43%) lean masculine. About one-in-ten men (11%) are neither masculine nor feminine or equally both, and 4% say they either lean feminine or are highly feminine. Among women, 35% rate themselves as highly feminine. A higher share (46%) lean feminine, while 15% are neither feminine nor masculine, or both equally. And 4% of women say they either lean masculine or are highly masculine. The number of people in the survey who do not identify as a man or a woman is too small to analyze separately. Differences by race and ethnicity Among men About four-in-ten or more White (41%), Hispanic (47%) and Black (49%) men rate themselves as highly masculine. A smaller share of Asian men (24%) see themselves this way. Among Asian men, 31% rate themselves in the middle or on the feminine side of the scale, as do 20% of Hispanic men and 18% of Black men. These shares are higher than the 10% of White men who rate themselves this way. Among women About four-in-ten Black (41%) and Hispanic (40%) women rate themselves as highly feminine. These are higher than the shares of White (34%) and Asian (24%) women who rate themselves this way. About three-in-ten Asian women (29%) say they are either in the middle or on the masculine side of the scale, as do 21% of Black women and 17% each among Hispanic and White women. Differences by age Men under 30 are less likely than older men to rate themselves as highly masculine. A quarter of young men see themselves this way, compared with 36% of men ages 30 to 49 and just over half of those 50 to 64 (53%) or 65 and older (54%). Similarly, younger women are less likely than older women to rate themselves as highly feminine. But those ages 65 and older stand out as being far more likely than women in any other age group to see themselves this way. Some 54% of women in the oldest age group rate themselves as highly feminine, compared with 38% of those ages 50 to 64, 28% of those 30 to 49, and 20% of women under 30.  Among both men and women, age differences remain when looking separately at Democrats and Republicans. Differences by party and ideology Republican and Republican-leaning men (53%) are far more likely than men who identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party (29%) to rate themselves as highly masculine. Among women, 38% of Republicans see themselves as highly feminine, compared with 32% of Democrats. Republican men who describe their political views as conservative are the most likely to rate themselves as highly masculine (60%). In turn, liberal Democratic men are the least likely to rate themselves this way (20%). Among women, conservative Republicans also stand out. Some 44% of women in this group rate themselves as highly feminine, compared with 30% of moderate or liberal Republican women, 34% of moderate or conservative Democratic women, and 28% of liberal Democratic women. Among Democratic men, ratings differ considerably by race and ethnicity. Some 47% of Black Democratic men and 39% of Hispanic Democratic men rate themselves as highly masculine. These shares are much larger than the 22% of White Democratic men who rate themselves this way. White (53%) and Hispanic (54%) Republican men are about equally likely to rate themselves as highly masculine. (There aren’t enough Asian Democratic or Republican men or Black Republican men in the sample to analyze separately.) Influences on views about what it means to be a man or a woman We also asked men and women about factors that may have influenced their views of what it means to be a man or a woman, respectively. In many ways, sources of influence don’t vary much by gender. For example, most men (66%) say their father influenced their views about how to be a man a great deal or a fair amount. The same share of women say their mother influenced their views on being a woman.  Interestingly, men are more likely to say their mother had a lot of influence on their views about what it means to be a man (47%) than women are to say their father influenced their views about being a woman (32%). (The figures in this analysis exclude those who say the item does not apply to them.) Beyond their parents, similar shares of men and women point to each of the following as having a great deal or a fair amount of influence on their views: Their friends of the same gender Religion or religious leaders Television or movies Their teachers There are some differences, however. Men (28%) are more than twice as likely as women (12%) to say sports coaches have had a great deal or a fair amount of influence on their views. In turn, women are more likely than men to point to social media as a source of influence. About two-in-ten women (18%) say social media has had at least a fair amount of

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1. Views of election administration and confidence in vote counts

Most voters say that the 2024 election will be run and administered well, both in their community and across the U.S. And while confidence in election administration across the country is up since 2020, it remains lower than it was before the 2018 midterms.  92% of registered voters say that elections in their community will be run and administered at least somewhat well, including 50% who say they will be run very well. These shares are comparable to each of the last three general elections. 73% of voters say that elections across the U.S. will be run and administered at least somewhat well. This is 11 points higher than the share who said this in 2020, but 8 points lower than the share in 2018. Harris voters are more positive than Trump voters in their predictions about national election administration: 90% of Harris supporters think elections across the U.S. this November will be run and administered well, including more than a third (37%) who say they will be administered very well. 57% of Trump supporters say U.S. elections will be administered well, with just 9% saying they will be administered very well. These differences are even more pronounced among the strongest supporters of the two candidates. About nine-in-ten of those who strongly back Harris (92%) expect elections across the country to be administered well, including nearly half (46%) who say they will be administered very well. By comparison, 52% of those who strongly back Trump expect U.S. elections to be administered well; just 8% say they will be administered very well. Nearly half (46%) say they think elections across the country will not be run well. Widespread confidence in election administration locally A 92% majority of registered voters say elections in their community will be administered well, including half of voters who say they will be administered very well. The share expressing confidence in election administration in their community is largely unchanged across preelection surveys since 2018. The share of Harris supporters who say elections in their community will be administered at least somewhat well (97%) is on par with Democratic voters’ views in the last several elections. But the share saying these elections will be administered very well is higher (49% in 2018, 63% today). A large majority of Trump supporters (88%) also think elections in their community will be administered well. But these voters are less likely than Harris supporters to say elections in their community will be run very well. The share saying this is lower than it was in 2018, when 56% of voters who supported Republican candidates said elections in their community would be run very well. Today 37% say this, similar to GOP supporters’ views in 2020 and 2022. Confidence in poll workers, state election officials Voters are broadly confident that poll workers in their community and officials who run elections in their state will do a good job during the election this November. But voters supporting Trump are less likely than those supporting Harris to express confidence in these individuals. And Trump supporters’ confidence in poll workers and election administrators is considerably lower than GOP voters’ confidence was in 2018. Community poll workers Nine-in-ten registered voters say they are confident that their local poll workers will do a good job, including 48% who are very confident: Nearly all Harris supporters (97%) are confident in their local poll workers, virtually identical to the share of Democratic voters who said this in 2018 and 2022. But the share who say they are very confident is up 12 points since 2018 (50% then, 62% today). 84% of Trump supporters are confident in their local poll workers to do a good job during this year’s election, including 36% who are very confident. In 2018, 95% of GOP voters expressed confidence in their local poll workers, including 60% who were very confident. State election officials 81% of voters have confidence in officials who run elections in their state to do a good job this November, up slightly from 2022. 91% of Harris supporters are confident in state election officials to do a good job. This is up slightly since 2018, when 87% of Democratic voters said this. 72% of Trump supporters express confidence in their state election officials to do a good job. This is 15 points lower than the 87% of Republican voters who said this in 2018. Harris supporters are broadly confident that election officials in their state will do a good job running the election regardless of what party controls the state government, though those living in states where Democrats hold the governorship, the legislature or both are particularly likely to say this. Trump supporters in states controlled by Republicans are considerably more confident in their state election officials when compared with Trump supporters who live in other states. Nearly all Harris supporters in Democratic-controlled states (94%) say they are confident in election officials, including 51% who are very confident. A smaller majority of Trump supporters in Democratic states (57%) are confident in officials, with just 12% saying they are very confident. The pattern is roughly similar in states where control of the government is divided between the two parties: Confidence in state election officials is much higher among Harris supporters living in these states than among Trump supporters in these states. In states with a Republican governor, a GOP-controlled legislature or both, nearly identical shares of Harris (84%) and Trump (87%) supporters say they are confident that state election officials will do a good job in November. Are the parties committed to fair and accurate elections? Overall, 59% of registered voters say the Democratic Party is committed to making sure elections in the U.S. are fair and accurate, while a nearly identical share of voters (58%) say this about the Republican Party. But these views largely fall out along partisan lines. More than nine-in-ten Harris supporters (94%) say the Democratic Party is committed to making sure elections are fair, including 58% who say

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4. Views of the impact of changing gender roles

We asked Americans a series of questions about changing gender roles for men and women. First, we asked if society is too accepting or not accepting enough of men and women who take on roles typically associated with the other gender. On balance, the public thinks society is not accepting enough of men and women who do this. Overall, 43% of adults say society is not accepting enough of men who take on roles typically associated with women, 19% say society is too accepting of these men and 37% say acceptance is about right. When we asked about women who take on roles typically associated with men, the results were almost identical. Some 44% say society is not accepting enough of women who do this, 19% say society is too accepting and 36% say things are about right. Differences by gender Women are more likely than men to say that society is not accepting enough of men who take on roles typically associated with women (49% vs. 36%), while men are more likely than women to say acceptance is about right (43% vs. 33%). In addition, a higher share of women than men say society is not accepting enough of women who take on roles usually associated with men (53% vs. 35%). Again, men are much more likely than women to say things are about right (42% vs. 30%). Differences by party Republicans and Democrats have very different views on these issues. On balance, Republicans and Republican-leaning independents are about evenly divided on whether society is too accepting (28%) or not accepting enough (27%) of men who take on roles that are usually associated with women. Some 45% of Republicans say things are about right. Democrats and Democratic leaners tilt heavily toward the position that society is not accepting enough of men who take on women’s roles. About six-in-ten Democrats (59%) say this, while only 10% say society is too accepting of these men and 30% say things are about right. The partisan pattern is very similar on the question of how society treats women who take on roles typically associated with men. Republicans are divided over whether society is too accepting or not accepting enough of these women, while a majority of Democrats say society is not accepting enough. Across gender groups within the parties, Republican men are the most likely to say that society is too accepting of men who take on roles often associated with women (30% say this) and of women who take on roles associated with men (33%). Democratic women are the most likely to say there’s not enough acceptance for these men (62%) and women (69%). How have changing gender roles impacted men and women? We also asked Americans about the impact of having more women working outside the home and men more involved in household chores and child care. Overall, the public thinks the changing roles of women and men in our society have been more beneficial for women than for men. When it comes to being successful at work: 61% say changing gender roles have made it easier for women. 36% say they’ve made it easier for men. And when it comes to leading satisfying lives: 57% say changing gender roles have made it easier for women. 43% say they’ve made it easier for men. The public also sees more benefit than harm from changing gender roles for married couples and families: 57% say changing roles have made it easier for families to earn enough money to live comfortably. 47% say they’ve made it easier for marriages to be successful. Differences by gender Men and women are mostly in agreement about the impact changing gender roles have had on the areas of life we asked about. Women are somewhat more likely than men to say these changes have made it easier for women and men to lead satisfying lives and for marriages to be successful. Still, on balance, both men and women see these changes as more beneficial than harmful. Among women, those with a bachelor’s degree or more education are significantly more likely than those without a four-year college degree to say changing gender roles have been beneficial across almost all items. For example, 67% of women with at least a bachelor’s degree, compared with 55% of women with less education, say these changes have made it easier for women to lead satisfying lives. The one exception is on the impact changing gender roles have had on men’s ability to be successful at work. Here, 40% of women without a four-year college degree say these changes have made it easier for men to be successful, while only 32% of women with at least a bachelor’s degree say the same. Differences by party Democrats and Republicans have differing views on the impact changing gender roles have had on women, men and families. By significant margins, larger shares of Democrats than Republicans say changing gender roles have made each of the following easier: Women leading satisfying lives (69% vs. 48%) Women being successful at work (68% vs. 54%) Families earning enough money to live comfortably (63% vs. 53%) Marriages being successful (55% vs. 40%) Men leading satisfying lives (50% vs. 38%) Men being successful at work (38% vs. 35%) For their part, significant shares of Republicans say changing gender roles have made certain aspects of life harder. A third of Republicans say these changes have made it harder for marriages to be successful, compared with 18% of Democrats who say the same. A quarter of Republicans (versus 13% of Democrats) say the changes have made it harder for men to lead satisfying lives. And 24% (versus 11% of Democrats) say they’ve made it harder for women to lead satisfying lives. source

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3. Views on the progress men and women have made in different areas

Women in recent decades have made significant progress in higher education and in the workplace. But they continue to lag behind men when it comes to wages and to representation in top leadership roles. At the same time, certain groups of men have struggled in the labor force and seen little or no growth in their wages. We asked Americans how they think men and women are doing today compared with 20 years ago across a range of areas – from education and work to their relationships and physical health. Overall, the public is more likely to see progress for women than for men over the last two decades in most areas we asked about. Workplace and education Majorities of adults say women are doing a lot or somewhat better than they were 20 years ago when it comes to: Getting leadership positions in the workplace (76%) Getting a well-paying job (74%) Getting into a college or university (66%) By contrast, the public is more divided on whether men are doing better or worse in these areas. Substantial shares say men are doing neither better nor worse than they were two decades ago. For example, while 76% of Americans say women are doing better today when it comes to getting leadership positions in the workplace, a far smaller share (27%) says men are doing better in this area. The patterns are similar for progress in getting a well-paying job and getting into a college or university. In each case, much larger shares of the public say women are doing better today than say the same about men. Differences by gender Men are more likely than women to say women are doing better than they were 20 years ago in all three areas. Even so, majorities of both men and women say women have made progress in recent decades. For instance, 78% of men and 70% of women say women are doing better today in getting well-paying jobs. When it comes to how men are doing these days, women are more likely than men to see progress in each area. And men are substantially more likely than women to say men are doing worse. Roughly four-in-ten men (39%) say that, compared with 20 years ago, men are doing worse in getting well-paying jobs. Among women, only 21% say the same. Similarly, there are gender gaps in the shares saying men are doing worse in getting leadership positions at work (13 points) and in getting into a college or university (12 points). Differences by party Republicans and Democrats are largely in agreement about the progress women have made in the past two decades, with majorities saying women are doing better today in these aspects of work and education. There are notable partisan differences in views about how men are doing, especially in the share saying men are losing ground. Republicans and Republican-leaning independents are more likely than Democrats and Democratic leaners to say men are doing worse, compared with 20 years ago, in all three areas. Republican men in particular stand out: 43% say men are doing worse today when it comes to getting a well-paying job. This compares with 33% of Democratic men, 25% of Republican women and 18% of Democratic women. The pattern is similar when it comes to men getting leadership positions at work and getting into college. About three-in-ten Republican men or more of say men are doing worse in these areas, compared with smaller shares among Democratic men and among both Republican and Democratic women. Relationships and personal well-being The survey also asked how men and women are doing these days, compared with 20 years ago, on several dimensions of life that relate to relationships and personal well-being: Having someone to turn to for emotional support Being in good physical health Balancing work and family responsibilities Finding a romantic partner Views on the progress men and women have made in these areas are more closely aligned than on the economic and educational issues we asked about. Overall, the public thinks both men and women are doing better rather than worse today when it comes to having emotional support and work-family balance. The public is more likely to say women are doing better when it comes to their physical health than to say the same about men (49% vs. 39%). About a third of all adults (32%) say men are doing worse in this area. The one area where a higher share of Americans say things have gotten worse rather than better for both men and women is in finding a romantic partner. Four-in-ten say women are doing worse in this area than in the past, and 44% say the same about men. Differences by gender Men and women have similar views about where women are making progress and where they’re losing ground on issues related to relationships and personal well-being. There are some modest differences, however. Women (46%) are slightly more likely than men (42%) to say women are doing better today than they were 20 years ago when it comes to balancing work and family responsibilities. Views differ more on the progress men have made in these areas. Women are more likely than men to say men are doing better these days when it comes to emotional support, work-family balance, physical health and finding a romantic partner. And men are more likely than women to say men are doing worse in each of these areas. The gender gap in views about how men are doing in the dating realm is particularly wide. About half of men (51%), compared with 37% of women, say men are doing worse today in finding a romantic partner. Differences by party In general, Democrats are more upbeat about the progress men and women have made over the past two decades in these areas of their relationships and personal well-being. Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say women are doing better on each measure. For example, 52% of Democrats versus

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1. Public views on men and masculinity

Our survey asked a few questions to understand how Americans think society views men who are “manly or masculine.” We also asked people whether they think certain traits are valued in men too much or too little. Perceptions of how manly or masculine men are viewed in the U.S. More Americans say people in the U.S. have mostly positive views of men who are manly or masculine (43%) than say people have mostly negative views (25%). About three-in-ten (31%) say most people have neither positive nor negative views of these men. Of those who say people in the U.S. have mostly positive views of masculine men, more see this as a good thing (47%) than a bad thing (7%). Some 46% say it’s neither good nor bad that people have mostly positive views of masculine men. Among those who say people in the country have mostly negative views of masculine men, about three-quarters (73%) say this is a bad thing. Just 9% say it’s good that people in the U.S. have mostly negative views of this type of man, while 18% say this is neither good nor bad. Differences by gender Women are more likely than men to say people in the U.S. have mostly positive views of masculine men (49% vs. 36%). In turn, 33% of men say people have mostlynegative views, compared with 18% of women. Men who say people have mostly positive views of masculine men are somewhat more likely than women who say the same to see this as a good thing (51% vs. 45%). And while majorities of men and women who say people have mostly negative views of masculine men see this as a bad thing, a larger share of men (77%) than women (66%) holding this view say this is the case. Differences by party About half of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (49%) say views of masculine men are mostly positive; 37% of Republicans and Republican leaners say the same. Republicans are about twice as likely as Democrats to say people in the U.S. have mostly negative views of masculine men (35% vs. 17%). Among those who think Americans have mostly positive views of masculine men, 67% of Republicans say this is a good thing, compared with 33% of Democrats. Similarly, 86% of Republicans who say people in the U.S. have mostly negative views of masculine men see this is a bad thing, much larger than the share of their Democratic counterparts who say the same (45%).  Overall, Republican men are more likely than Republican women and both Democratic men and women to say people in the U.S. have negative views of men who are manly or masculine. In fact, Republican men are the only group in which more say views are negative than positive. Republican men: 45% say people have mostly negative views; 28% say views are positive. Republican women: 24% negative versus 48% positive. Democratic men: 20% negative versus 46% positive. Democratic women: 13% negative versus 52% positive. Traits society values too much or too little in men When thinking about how men are viewed in the U.S. these days, 60% of Americans say most people don’t place enough value on men who are caring or open about their emotions. Majorities also say most people don’t value soft-spoken or affectionate men enough (55% each). Views are more split when it comes to traits that tend to be associated with traditional masculinity. For example, similar shares say society values men who are confident too much (26%) as say they’re valued too little (27%). And the public leans toward saying most people place too much value,rather than too little value, on men who are: Assertive (34% vs. 25%) Risk-takers (33% vs. 22%) Physically strong (38% vs. 19%) Still, roughly four-in-ten Americans or more say people value these traits in men about the right amount. Differences by gender About half or more among both women and men say society doesn’t place enough value on men who are caring, open about their emotions, affectionate or soft-spoken. But larger shares of women than men say this is the case when it comes to men who are open about their emotions, affectionate or soft-spoken.  By margins ranging from 4 to 10 percentage points, women are more likely than men to say most people place too much value on men who are physically strong, assertive, risk-takers or confident. Meanwhile, men are more likely than women to say these traits aren’t valued enough in men. Differences by age Americans under 50 are more likely than those ages 50 and older to say men who are caring, open about their emotions, affectionate or soft-spoken aren’t valued enough.  Those in the younger group are also more likely than those in the older group to say most people place too much value on men who are physically strong, assertive, risk-takers or confident. These age differences are evident among both men and women. Differences by party By margins of 10 points or more, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say most people in the U.S. don’t place enough value on men who are: Open about their emotions (71% vs. 49%) Soft-spoken (65% vs. 46%) Affectionate (62% vs. 50%) Caring (66% vs. 56%) In turn, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say most people don’t place enough value on men who are: Confident (38% vs. 16%) Physically strong (30% vs. 10%) Assertive (34% vs. 15%) Risk-takers (32% vs. 15%) Differences by masculinity and femininity rating The survey asked respondents to rate themselves on masculinity and femininity scales. (Read Chapter 6 for more details on these measures.) Among men, views of whether certain traits are valued too much or not enough vary by how they rate themselves. Men who see themselves as highly masculine are more likely than those who rate themselves as less masculine to say most people don’t place enough value on men who are: Confident (40% vs. 24%) Assertive (39% vs. 23%) Risk-takers (35% vs. 23%) Physically strong (29%

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2. Behaviors people find acceptable and unacceptable in men

When it comes to how Americans view certain behaviors in men, most say they personally think it’s not too or not at all acceptable for men to: Join in when other men are talking about women in a sexual way (75%) Have many different sexual partners rather than commit to one relationship (69%) Drink a lot of alcohol when out with friends (63%) Throw a punch if provoked (62%) Four-in-ten also think it’s unacceptable for men to play video games on a regular basis. Another 22% say this is extremely or very acceptable, and 37% find it somewhat acceptable. Of the behaviors asked about in the survey, the only one more people find highly acceptable (42%) than highly unacceptable (15%) is for men to put a lot of effort into their style and fashion choices. Differences by gender Women are more likely than men to see five of the six behaviors asked about in the survey as unacceptable for men. Still, majorities of both women and men agree that it’s unacceptable for men to join in when other men are talking about women in a sexual way (80% vs. 69%); have many different sexual partners rather than commit to one relationship (74% vs. 65%); drink a lot of alcohol when out with friends (67% vs. 59%); or throw a punch if provoked (66% vs. 59%). Men are somewhat more likely than women to say it’s unacceptable for men to put a lot of effort into their style and fashion choices (18% vs. 13%), but relatively small shares in each group say this. Differences by age Adults under 30 are more likely than those in older age groups to see each of the behaviors asked about in the survey as extremely or very acceptable for men, with differences of 10 points or more on the following items: Putting a lot of effort into their style and fashion choices: 58% of those ages 18 to 30, 45% of those 30 to 49, and 32% of those 50 and older say this is acceptable. Playing video games on a regular basis: 40% of those ages 18 to 30, 29% of those 30 to 49, and 10% of those 50 and older find this acceptable. In turn, adults ages 65 and older are the most likely to see almost every behavior we asked about as unacceptable for men. The exception is when it comes to putting a lot of effort into their style and fashion choices. On that item, the difference is between those ages 50 and older and those under 50, with the older group somewhat more likely than the younger group to see this as unacceptable. These patterns are similar among both men and women. Differences by party Majorities of Republicans and Democrats see four of the six items asked about as unacceptable for men. Still, there are partisan differences in how Americans see these behaviors. By double-digit margins, larger shares of Republicans than Democrats say it’s not too or not at all acceptable for men to have many different sexual partners rather than commit to one relationship (76% vs. 61%) or to play video games on a regular basis (48% vs. 32%). For their part, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say it’s unacceptable for men to throw a punch if provoked (68% vs. 57%). There are more modest partisan differences on other items. What is and isn’t acceptable in relationships We also asked some questions about things people may or may not find acceptable for men who date women or who are in a relationship with a woman. A majority of U.S. adults (57%) say it’s extremely or very acceptable for a man to take care of the home and children while his wife works for pay. Smaller shares say it’s highly acceptable for men to take charge in day-to-day decisions about the relationship (35%), split the bill when out on a date (34%) or take their wife’s last name when they get married (23%). Just over half of U.S. adults (53%) think it’s not too or not at all acceptable for a man to take his wife’s name when they get married. Differences by age Similar shares across age groups say it’s extremely or very acceptable for a man to take care of the home and children while his wife works for pay. But adults under 30 are more likely than older Americans to say it’s as acceptable for men to take charge in day-to-day decisions about the relationship, split the bill when out on a date, or take their wife’s name when they get married. Adults ages 50 and older are generally less accepting of these behaviors. For example, most adults ages 50 to 64 (61%) and 65 and older (65%) say it’s not too or not at all acceptable for men to take their wife’s name when they get married. That compares with 48% of those ages 30 to 49 and a smaller share (36%) of adults under 30. Differences by party Similar shares of Democrats and Republicans say it’s extremely or very acceptable for men to take charge in day-to-day decisions about the relationship, but larger shares of Democrats than Republicans say it’s highly acceptable for a man to: Take care of the home and children while his wife works (66% vs. 48%) Split the bill on a date (44% vs. 24%) Take his wife’s last name (34% vs. 12%) Republicans are more likely than Democrats to see each of these three items as not too or not at all acceptable. Gender and age differences on splitting the bill Views on whether it’s acceptable for men to do each of these things varies only modestly, if at all, between men and women. For example, about a third of men (34%) and women (33%) say it’s extremely or very acceptable for a man to split the bill when out on a date with a woman. But an interesting pattern emerges when looking at different age

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Turks Lean Negative on Erdoğan, Give National Government Mixed Ratings

8 in 10 Turkish adults see the U.S. negatively President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Turkey attends a press conference during the 75th NATO summit in Washington, D.C., on July 11, 2024. (Beata Zawrzel/NurPhoto via Getty Images) This Pew Research Center analysis focuses on public opinion of domestic and international issues in Turkey. Views of the government leaders, institutions and other countries are examined in the context of long-term trend data. The report draws on nationally representative surveys of 1,049 Turkish adults conducted from Jan. 29 to March 11, 2024. Surveys were conducted face-to-face and weighted to be representative of the Turkish adult population with the following variables: gender, age, education, region, urbanicity and probability of selection of respondent. To compare educational groups across countries, we standardize education levels based on the UN’s International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED). Prior to 2024, combined totals were based on rounded topline figures. For all reports beginning in 2024, totals are based on unrounded topline figures, so combined totals might be different than in previous years. Refer to the 2024 topline to see our new rounding procedures applied to past years’ data. Here are the questions used for the report, along with responses, and the survey methodology. In May 2023, voters in Turkey elected Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to his third term as president. Less than a year later, Erdoğan’s Justice and Development party (AKP) suffered its worst-ever electoral defeat in local elections. In the time between these two elections, Pew Research Center surveyed 1,049 Turkish adults. The results show negative opinions of Erdoğanand mixed views of the national government he leads. Overall, 55% of Turkish adults have an unfavorable opinion of Erdoğan, while 43% have a favorable opinion. This marks a 32 percentage point decrease in favorability from 2017, including a 27-point drop in the share of Turks with a very favorable opinion of their president. The 2017 survey was conducted eight months after Erdoğan and his government survived a coup attempt by a faction of the military. Support for Erdoğan is a key factor in Turkish public opinion on domestic and international topics alike. Compared with those who have an unfavorable opinion of the president, Turkish adults who see Erdoğan favorably are: More trusting in the national government to do the right thing for Turkey More confident that the May 2023 elections were conducted fairly and accurately More confident that the government will take the necessary measures to prepare for future natural disasters More satisfied with the way democracy currently works in Turkey More supportive of a form of government that relies on a strong leader More likely to see groups and institutions such as the military, religious leaders and the courts as having a good influence on the country  More favorable toward China and Russia, and more confident in these countries’ leaders Age is another key indicator of public opinion on several topics. For example, adults ages 50 and older are more positive toward Erdoğan and the national government when compared with adults ages 18 to 34. Frequency of prayer among the 98% of Turks who are Muslim is also tied to views of multiple issues. Muslim adults who pray more frequently (one of the Center’s measures of religiosity) have more confidence that the 2023 election was conducted fairly and accurately, for instance. Below are some other key findings from the survey, which marks the first time since 2019 that Pew Research Center has polled in Turkey. Confidence in the government Overall, Turkish adults express limited confidence in their national government. Roughly half (51%) say they do not trust the government to do what is right for the country. A similar share (53%) is not confident that the May 2023 presidential election was conducted fairly and accurately. And about a year after a 7.8 magnitude earthquake hit Turkey – leaving more than 50,000 dead – 61% of Turks are not confident that the government will take the necessary steps to prepare for future natural disasters. Jump to Chapter 1 for more on how people in Turkey view their government. Views of democracy Two-thirds of Turks are dissatisfied with the way democracy is currently working in their country. But democracy itself – in both representative and direct form – is still a popular idea. Majorities of Turks say representative and direct democracy would be good ways to govern Turkey (80% and 79%, respectively). And 59% say rule by experts, sometimes called technocracy, would be a good system of government. Much smaller shares say rule by a strong leader (34%) or by the military (14%) are good options. However, Turks with a positive view of Erdoğan are significantly more likely than nonsupporters to say each of these nondemocratic systems would be a good way to govern Turkey. Jump to Chapter 2 for more on how people in Turkey view democracy. Views of institutions and societal conflicts In Turkey, majorities say the police and the military have a positive impact on Turkish society (78% and 62%, respectively). On the other hand, a third of adults or fewer say the media, large international companies, and banks and other financial institutions have a positive influence. When it comes to tensions within their society, Turks see especially strong conflicts between people who support different political parties. Fewer Turks – though still a majority – say there are strong conflicts between people with different ethnic identities. Notably, in a country where a vast majority of people are Muslim, about half of adults (47%) say there are strong conflicts between Turks who practice different religions. Jump to Chapter 3 for more on how people in Turkey view institutions and conflicts in their society. Views of international affairs When it comes to foreign relations, Turks give mostly negative ratings to other countries and their leaders. Majorities have unfavorable opinions of the United States, China and Russia, and most lack confidence in their respective presidents. Turks also report low trust in other international political leaders – including former U.S. President Donald

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How Americans See Men and Masculinity

Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand Americans’ views of men and masculinity at a time when these topics are at the forefront of national conversations. For this analysis, we surveyed 6,204 adults from Sept. 3 to 15, 2024. Most of the respondents who took part in this survey are members of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), a group of people recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses who have agreed to take surveys regularly. The survey also included an oversample of Black, Hispanic and Asian adults from the SSRS Opinion Panel, another probability-based online survey web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. Surveys were conducted either online or by telephone with a live interviewer. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other factors. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. Here are the questions used for this report, the topline and the survey methodology. source

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4. How people in Turkey view international affairs

Adults in Turkey hold generally negative views of international powers and their respective leaders. But of the countries and organizations we asked about, Turks express the most positive attitudes toward the European Union – and a majority now support Turkey becoming an EU member, a change from 2017. As with many aspects of Turkish society, views are shaped by age, education, and opinions of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Views of the U.S., China and other world powers None of the six major world powers we asked about receive majority-positive ratings from the Turkish public. The European Union (46% favorable) and NATO (42%) receive the most positive assessments. Still, more Turks have unfavorable than favorable opinions of both organizations. Only a third of Turks have a positive view of the United Nations, and just three-in-ten see Russia favorably. Fewer still have a positive view of China (26%) and just 18% express a favorable opinion of the U.S. Demographic differences Younger Turks generally express more favorable views of several world powers than their older counterparts. For example, 29% of adults under 35 have a positive view of the U.S., compared with only 7% of those ages 50 and older. Age differences only appear when looking at Turks’ views of the U.S., the EU, NATO and the UN. There are no significant age differences in attitudes toward China and Russia. Similarly, Turkish adults with more education are more likely than those with less education to have a positive view of some world powers we asked about, including the U.S. and the EU. Assessments of these powers also differ by views of Erdoğan. Turks who support the president are more likely than nonsupporters to express favorable views of Russia and China – and less likely to have favorable views of the EU, U.S. and UN. Views over time Since 2002, the first year Pew Research Center surveyed Turkey, there have been large changes in Turks’ attitudes toward some countries and multilateral organizations. For example, Turks have become more positive in their views of NATO, which Turkey has been a member of since 1953. Attitudes toward NATO have especially improved since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Between 2011 and 2019, no more than a quarter of Turks had a favorable view of the defense alliance; today, 42% do. Related: NATO Seen Favorably in Member States; Confidence in Zelenskyy Down in Europe, U.S. Views of Russia have also fluctuated, ranging from 15% favorable in 2015 – after Russia invaded Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula – to 39% favorable in 2019, before the ongoing invasion of Ukraine. Currently, three-in-ten Turks have a positive view of Russia. Attitudes toward China have also seen some ups and downs, from 40% favorable in 2005 to as low as 16% in 2009. The share is now back up to 26%. Attitudes toward the UN are more negative today than in 2004, when more than half of Turks held favorable views of the international organization. Now, only a third do. Turks have often given the EU the highest ratings of the world powers surveyed, but there have been significant downward and upward shifts in that sentiment. A 58% majority of Turks had a favorable view of the EU in 2004, shortly after the start of formal EU accession discussions. But attitudes had changed just a few years later and this year are about evenly split, with 46% favorable. Views on Turkey joining the EU A majority of adults (56%) favor Turkey becoming a member of the EU, while 36% oppose membership. This represents a big change from 2017, when only 40% of Turks supported joining the EU and 51% opposed. (It should be noted our 2017 survey in Turkey was conducted eight months after a failed coup attempt, which had a large influence on public opinion in the country.) Prior to 2017, half or more Turks routinely favored EU accession. Related: How exactly do countries join the EU? Demographic and political differences Younger Turks are especially supportive of joining the EU. Roughly two-thirds (66%) of adults under 35 support accession, while 28% oppose it. There is more tepid support for EU membership among older Turks. Turks with a postsecondary education or more are also far more likely than those with less education to want to join the EU. Turkish Muslims who pray less than five times per day are more likely to support EU membership compared with those who pray salah time fives daily. Turks who support Erdoğan, meanwhile, are far less likely than other Turks to support EU accession. Among those with a favorable opinion of the Turkish leader, views evenly split between supporting EU membership and not (45% vs. 45%). Among those who have an unfavorable view of Erdoğan, 66% support joining the EU. Views of international leaders People in Turkey have little confidence in the six current and former foreign leaders we asked about in this survey. In fact, at least 60% of Turks have little or no confidence in each of these leaders. Confidence is highest for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Still, only about three-in ten Turks have confidence in each of these leaders. Ratings of Chinese President Xi Jinping are even lower, with only 15% saying they have confidence in him. Related: Do people think China’s economic influence is positive or negative? Turks also express negative opinions of French President Emmanuel Macron. There’s been little change in Turks’ overall confidence in Macron since we first asked about him in 2019. People in Turkey have very negative views of both the U.S. leaders included in the survey: Only around one-in-ten Turks today express confidence in President Joe Biden or former President Donald Trump. Of the four U.S. presidents we’ve asked about in Turkey in the last 20 years, Barack Obama received the best evaluations – 45% of Turks said they had confidence in him in 2015, the last year of his presidency. George W. Bush never saw his confidence rating in Turkey

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