Pew Research Center

3. How people in Turkey view societal conflicts and institutions in their country

Turkish adults see various conflicts among different groups in their society. Majorities say there are conflicts between people who support different political parties (77%) and between people with different ethnic backgrounds (59%). Opinions are more mixed in the majority-Muslim nation when it comes to conflicts between people who practice different religions, with 47% saying there are strong religious conflicts and 51% saying there are generally not. Notably, Turkish Muslims who pray less than weekly are somewhat more likely than those who pray five salah daily to say there are conflicts between people of different religions. Fewer see conflicts between people who live in cities and people who live in rural areas. Only about a quarter of Turkish adults (26%) say there are strong conflicts of this nature. Turkish adults with lower incomes are more likely than those with higher incomes to say there are strong urban-rural conflicts in Turkey (+22 points, though higher-income adults were less likely to respond to the question). Those with lower incomes are also more likely to see strong religious conflicts (+18) and ethnic conflicts (+13). Turkish adults who hold a favorable opinion of Erdoğan are less likely than Turks with an unfavorable view of the president to report strong religious (-12), political (-11) and ethnic (-9) conflicts in their society. Views of institutions Majorities of Turkish adults say the police (78%) and the military (62%) have a good influence in the country, making these the only two institutions or organizations we asked about that at least half of the public sees positively. Most Turks say the court system, religious leaders and the media (including television, newspapers and magazines) have a bad influence in the country. About a quarter or more, in fact, say the influence of each of these is very bad. Large companies from other countries, as well as banks and other financial institutions, get the most negative ratings. For example, around three-quarters of Turks (73%) say banks have a bad influence on the country. Related: 83% of Turks say their country’s current economic situation is bad Views over time We last asked about many of these institutions in 2017. Compared with seven years ago, fewer Turks now believe the media (-24 points), religious leaders (-20), the court system (-16) and the military (-15) have a good influence in Turkey. Political and demographic differences Turkish adults who have a positive view of Erdoğan are more likely than those with an unfavorable view of him to say various institutions have a good influence in the country. For example, those who think positively of Erdoğan are 50 points more likely than those with an unfavorable view of the president to say that religious leaders have a good influence in Turkey (67% vs. 17%). Erdoğan supporters are also more likely than nonsupporters to have a positive view of the influence of the court system, the police, the media and the military. On the other hand, Turks who have a favorable opinion of former opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu – Erdoğan’s opponent in the May 2023 presidential election – see a number of institutions differently. For instance, Kilicdaroglu supporters are 31 points less likely than those who see him unfavorably to say that religious leaders have a good influence in the country. They are also less likely to have a positive view of the influence of the court system (-15 points) and the police (-9). There are no significant differences between Erdoğan or Kılıçdaroğlu supporters when it comes to the influence of banks and foreign companies, but there are differences by age. Turkish adults under 35 are more likely than those ages 50 and older to say that large companies from other countries (35% vs. 23%) and banks and other financial institutions (26% vs. 17%) have a positive influence in Turkey. source

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2. How people in Turkey view democracy and other forms of government

A third of Turkish adults are satisfied with the way democracy is working in their country, while the other two-thirds express dissatisfaction. More than a third (37%) say they are not satisfied at all. Since we last asked this question in Turkey in 2019, satisfaction with democracy has dropped 14 points, from 47% to 33% today. Turks who hold a favorable opinion of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are more likely than those who see him unfavorably to express satisfaction with democracy (65% vs. 9%). And Muslims who pray five salah daily are more likely than those who pray less frequently to have a positive outlook on their democracy. On the other hand, only 13% of those with a positive opinion of former opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu – Erdoğan’s opponent in the May 2023 presidential election – are satisfied with the way democracy is working. Views of different political systems Turks greatly prefer democratic types of government to nondemocratic systems like rule by the military or by a strong leader. Eight-in-ten Turkish adults say that a representative democracy (a system where representatives elected by citizens decide what becomes law) would be a good way to govern the country. An almost identical share (79%) says the same about a direct democracy (a system where citizens, not elected officials, vote directly on major national issues to decide what becomes law). Only 14% in Turkey say that military rule would be a good way of governing, making it the least popular political system we asked about. However, support for this system has risen from 9% in 2017. Turks’ evaluations of various government systems are generally comparable to the results of a 24-country survey we conducted in 2023. Turks are within a few points of the 24-country medians when it comes to their support for representative democracy, rule by experts and rule by the military. On direct democracy and rule by a strong leader, Turks express a slightly more positive view than the median respondent.    Views of autocratic leadership Views on autocracy vary across different groups in Turkey. Roughly half (49%) of those who hold a favorable opinion of Erdoğan think that rule by a strong leader would be a good way to govern the country, compared with 23% of those with an unfavorable view of the Turkish president. Adults with lower levels of education are more likely than their counterparts with more education (37% vs. 21%) to say autocracy would be a good way to govern the country. (The “less education” category refers to people who have a secondary education or less, while the “more education” category refers to those with a postsecondary education or more.) In addition, Turkish adults ages 50 and older are 15 points more likely than adults under 35 to say that autocracy would be good for Turkey (43% vs. 28%). source

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1. How people in Turkey view their government

Turkish adults are divided when it comes to trust in their national government: 46% trust the government to do what is right for the country, while 51% do not. Trust is especially high among those who have a favorable opinion of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The president’s supporters are nearly five times as likely as nonsupporters to have trust in the national government (84% vs. 17%). Age also plays a role in views of the government. Turkish adults under 35 are less likely than older adults to express trust in the government. Trust in the government is significantly higher among Muslims who pray salah – the ritual prayers required of Muslims five times a day – when compared with those who pray less often. About seven-in-ten Muslims who pray five salah daily (69%) say that they trust the national government to do what is right. This compares with 40% of Muslims who pray at least weekly (but not five times daily) and 26% of those who pray less than weekly. (The Center uses frequency of prayer as a measure of religiosity.) Education is another key factor. While 52% of Turkish adults with a secondary education trust the government, this falls to just 26% among those who have a postsecondary education or more. Preparedness for natural disasters In this survey – conducted roughly one year after a 7.8 magnitude earthquake struck Turkey and Syria, leaving more than 50,000 dead – we asked Turks how confident they are that the government will take the necessary measures to prepare for future natural disasters. About six-in-ten Turks (61%) are not confident the government will do this, including 40% who say they are not confident at all. Views on this question differ widely depending on how respondents see Erdoğan. Three-quarters of Turks with a favorable opinion of Erdoğan have confidence that the government will take steps to be prepared for a future natural disaster. Only 9% of those with an unfavorable opinion of Erdoğan agree. May 2023 election fairness In a May 2023 national election, Erdoğan faced off against Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, then the leader of the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP). Erdoğan won in a runoff with 52% of the vote. Beginning the following January, we asked Turkish adults if they believe the election was conducted fairly and accurately. Overall, 53% of Turks do not think the election was fair, but this opinion varies widely depending on how favorable they are toward each candidate. Among Turks with a favorable opinion of Erdoğan, 86% are confident the election was conducted fairly and accurately. Just 15% of those with a favorable view of Kılıçdaroğlu agree. Confidence in the election is also higher among Turks ages 50 and older than those under 35. About half of the older group (52%) are confident that the election was fair, compared with about a third of the younger group (34%). Among Turkish Muslims, 70% of those who pray five salah daily are confident in the fairness of the election, including 46% who are very confident. Much smaller shares of those who pray less frequently agree. Favorability of Erdoğan and Kılıçdaroğlu over time In our surveys, Erdoğan has consistently received higher favorability ratings than Kılıçdaroğlu. Still, Erdoğan’s favorability is down 32 points from 2017; that year’s survey was conducted eight months after a coup attempt against his government. Today, 43% of Turks see Erdoğan favorably. Kılıçdaroğlu’s favorability, by comparison, is similar to where it was when we last asked about him in 2015. Today, 27% view him favorably, compared with 23% in 2015. (It’s important to note that the most recent survey was fielded after Kılıçdaroğlu was replaced as leader of the Republican People’s Party.) People ages 35 and older, adults with less education and Muslims who pray more frequently hold more favorable opinions of Erdoğan than their demographic counterparts. Kılıçdaroğlu, who is an Alevi Muslim, is seen more favorably by Turkish Muslims who pray less than once a week than by those who pray five salah daily. About one-third of Turkish adults have a negative opinion of both Erdoğan and Kılıçdaroğlu. Similar to demographic patterns on trust in government, these people are more likely to be young (adults under 35), to have at least a college degree and to pray salah five times a day, if Muslim. source

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Appendix A: Account classification instruction prompt

You are an AI assistant trained to help categorize social media accounts.You will be given a description of an account and some of its recent posts. Here is a detailed codebook of the information you will be asked to provide: # CODEBOOK: ##############################################################– IND-ORG: Whether the account belongs to an individual or an organization. (CHOOSE ONE)– individual: the account is controlled by or can be attributed to a single person (Note: category also includes “couple” or “family” accounts, as well as businesses or brands that are represented by a single individual).– organization: the account is controlled by or can be attributed to a group or entity – PUBLIC-FIGURE: If the account belongs to an individual, whether that individual is a public figure. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: the individual is a publicly notable figure. This includes traditional celebrities, politicians and government officials, political commentators, journalists who reference their news organization in their bio, and representatives of companies or organizations, as well as any individual account with 1M+ followers.– no: the individual is not a publicly notable figure.– NA: the account does not belong to an individual. – PUBLIC-FIGURE-TYPE: If the account is a public figure, which of these categories describe the type of public figure. (CHOOSE ANY THAT APPLY)– celebrity: the individual is a well-known actor, musician, author, athlete, model, chef, or other entertainment figure. Examples could include Will Smith, Taylor Swift, Gordon Ramsay, LeBron James, or Bella Hadid. (Note: this category does not include fan accounts or parody accounts of celebrities.)– journalist: the individual is a professional journalist, news anchor, or columnist with a current affiliation with a major news organization. Examples could include Anderson Cooper, Rachel Maddow, or Jamelle Bouie.– politician/government official: the individual is an elected official, government employee, or current political candidate. Examples could include Joe Biden, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or Donald Trump.– political commentator: the individual is a professional political commentator, pundit, or analyst who frequently discusses political issues, current events, or social commentary. Examples could include Ben Shapiro, Jon Stewart, or Tucker Carlson.– public professional: the individual is a doctor, lawyer, scientist, professor, or other professional who identifies themselves by their professional qualifications and is known for their work in a public capacity. Examples could include Dr. Anthony Fauci, Neil deGrasse Tyson, or Dr. Sandra Lee (Dr. Pimple Popper).– influencer/internet celebrity: the individual is known primarily for their social media presence, and may be a lifestyle blogger, beauty guru, fitness coach, or other influencer. Examples could include Mr. Beast, Charli D’Amelio, or James Charles.– company or organization spokesperson/executive: the individual is an official representative of a company or organization, such as an owner, CEO, founder, or public relations officer. Examples could include Elon Musk, Tim Cook, or Greta Thunberg.– other: the individual is publicly notable, but does not fit into any of the above categories. – ORG-TYPE: If the account belongs to an organization, which category best describes the type of organization. (CHOOSE ANY THAT APPLY)– government: the organization is a government agency, department, or official government account. Examples could include the CDC, NASA, or the White House.– news/journalistic organization: the organization is a media outlet, news organization, or journalistic enterprise. Examples could include CNN, FOX, The New York Times, or NPR.– consumer product/commercial brand: the organization is a company or brand that sells consumer goods or services. Examples could include Coca-Cola, Nike, or Apple.– entertainment celebrity group: the organization is a band, dance group, sports team, or other collection of individuals who are known for their entertainment or performance work. Examples could include BTS, the Rockettes, the New England Patriots, or the cast of Stranger Things.– NGO/non-profit organization: the organization is a non-governmental organization, charity, non-profit, or advocacy group. Examples could include charities, think tanks, or religious organizations.– other: the organization is a group or entity that does not fit into any of the above categories. – POLITICS: Whether the account’s content covers politics and/or social commentary. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: the account frequently discusses political issues, current events, or social issues, including political commentary, news about politics, general social and economic commentary, and cultural/identity politics.– no: the account does not discuss political issues or social commentary. – NEWS: Whether the account’s content covers news and/or current events. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: The account is either a provider of news information (e.g., a journalist or news organization) or frequently discusses news events, current events, or breaking news. Includes news headlines, news commentary, news analysis, and news reporting.– no: the account does not discuss news events or current events. – HUMOR: Whether the account frequently posts humorous or comedic content. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: the account frequently posts humorous or comedic content, including jokes, skits, memes, parodies, and other videos framed from a satirical or humorous perspective.– no: the account does not post humorous or comedic content. – VLOG: Whether the account frequently posts personal vlogs, stories, or updates about the account owner’s life. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: the account frequently posts personal vlogs, stories, or updates about the account owner’s life, including personal anecdotes, daily life updates, and personal reflections.– no: the account does not post personal vlogs, stories, or updates. – MUSIC: Whether the account frequently posts viral or trending music, lip sync, or dance content. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: the account frequently posts music, lip sync, or dance-related content, including vocal, instrumental, or dance performances filmed directly for social media, lip syncing videos/trending sound clips, dance routines, covers, or challenges, or music covers.– no: the account does not post music, lip sync, or dance-related content. – ENTERTAINMENT: Whether the account frequently posts content related to entertainment, media, fandom, and pop culture. (CHOOSE ONE)– yes: the account frequently posts content related to entertainment or pop culture, including reviews, recommendations, discussion, or clips of entertainment media, such as books, movies, television, music, video games, theater, comedy specials, or other entertainment media, celebrity gossip, news or updates, promotion of upcoming releases, fandom-related content such as cosplay, fan art, or fan theories, or other pop culture content.– no: the account does not

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2. Asian American immigrants’ views of quality of life in the U.S.

The survey asked Asian immigrants about their views of life in the United States and how it compares with their country of origin. Majorities say the U.S. is better on nearly all qualities asked about in the survey, and about three-quarters say they would choose to come to the U.S. if they could do it again. Still, the survey – conducted from July 2022 to January 2023 – found that two-thirds of Asian immigrants also feel dissatisfied with the way things are going in the country, and more than half say the country is generally headed in the wrong direction. Additionally, Asian immigrants generally view their children’s prospects in less optimistic terms than their own. This chapter explores Asian immigrants’ attitudes about life in the U.S. today. How Asian immigrants compare the U.S. with their origin countries Majorities of Asian American immigrants say the U.S. is better than their origin country on nearly all qualities asked about in the survey, including the opportunity to get ahead (77%), treatment of the poor (64%) and gender equality (62%), among others. The one quality that a majority of Asian immigrants say is better in their country of origin than in the U.S. is the strength of family ties (60%). By main reason for immigrating Among Asian immigrants who came to the U.S. due to conflict, about 80% or more say the U.S. is better than their origin country on nearly all qualities asked about. The only exception is the strength of family ties: 25% say family ties are stronger in the U.S., while 48% say this is better in their origin country and 23% say it’s equal in both. Among those who immigrated for other reasons, assessments of the U.S. are more mixed. For example, those who immigrated for educational opportunities (51%), family reunification (58%) or economic opportunities (65%) are less likely than those who immigrated due to conflict (84%) to say the U.S. is better for health care access than their country of origin. By ethnicity For these findings, “country of origin” is used to refer to the place respondents came from. Those of the same ethnicity may identify different places as their origin country, which can be influenced by ethnicity, birthplace, nationality, ancestry, or other social, cultural or political factors. For more information, refer to the terminology. 75% of Chinese immigrants say lack of state censorship is better in the U.S. than in their country of origin, but about half say the same about women’s rights (50%) and health care access (48%). For Filipino immigrants, about 80% or more say opportunities to get ahead and access to health care are better in the U.S. than in their origin country. Some 53% say the same about women’s rights.  79% of Indian immigrants say opportunities to get ahead are better in the U.S., while 52% say the same about health care access. Among Korean immigrants, roughly 70% or more say the U.S. is better than their origin country in opportunities to get ahead, conditions for raising children and women’s rights. On the other hand, 66% say health care access in better in their origin country than in the U.S. And 45% say regularly held honest elections are about equal in both places.  About 75% or more of Vietnamese immigrants say the U.S. is better than their country of origin across all qualities asked about except the strength of family ties. By citizenship Asian immigrants who are U.S. citizens are more likely than noncitizens to say the U.S. is better than their origin country on access to health care services (63% vs. 39%) and treatment of the poor (67% vs. 57%). For more on how Asian immigrants’ views of the U.S. compared with their country of origin varies across these subgroups, refer to Appendix A. Asian immigrants’ views of their own standard of living, and that of their children A large majority of Asian immigrants in the U.S. (77%) say their standard of living is much or somewhat better than their parents’ standard of living when they were the same age. Meanwhile, 13% say their standard of living is much or somewhat worse, and 9% say it’s about the same as that of their parents. The survey also finds Asian immigrants are less optimistic about their children’s prospects than their own. Among Asian immigrants who have children, about half (48%) say their children’s standard of living will be much or somewhat better than their own. Some 37% say their children’s standard of living will be much or somewhat worse, and 15% say it will be about the same as their own. Among Asian immigrants with children, expectations about the next generation’s standard of living vary by: Ethnicity: More than half of Vietnamese immigrants (58%) say their children’s standard of living will be better than their own, a higher share than among other ethnic groups. Citizenship: 58% of Asian immigrants who are not U.S. citizens say their children’s standard of living will be better, compared with 44% of those who have U.S. citizenship. Years in the U.S.: 64% of Asian immigrants who have lived in the U.S. for 10 years or less say their children’s standard of living will be better than their own, versus 49% of those in the U.S. for 11 to 20 years and 38% of those in the U.S. for more than 20 years. Education: Asian immigrants without a college degree are more likely than those with a bachelor’s degree or higher to say their children’s standard of living will be better than their own. Overall, immigrant Asian adults have a more positive outlook about their own and their children’s prospects than U.S.-born Asian adults: 77% of Asian immigrants say their standard of living is better than that of their parents, compared with 60% of U.S.-born Asian adults who hold the same view. 48% of Asian immigrants with children say their children’s standard of living will be better than their own, compared with 29% of U.S.-born Asian adults with children.

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Türkler Erdoğan'a Olumsuz Yaklaşıyor, Ulusal Hükümet Hakkında Karışık Düşüncelere Sahipler

10 yetişkin Türk’ten 8’i ABD’ye olumsuz bakıyor Pew Araştırma Merkezi’nin 2024 baharında yaptığı bir anket, yetişkin Türklerin %55’inin Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan hakkında olumsuz görüşe sahip olduğunu, %43’ünün ise olumlu görüşe sahip olduğunu gösteriyor. Bu, 2017’ye göre olumlu görüşte 32 puanlık bir düşüşe işaret ediyor ve buna, başkanları hakkında çok olumlu görüşe sahip Türklerin oranında 27 puanlık bir düşüş de dahil. Erdoğan’a destek, Türk kamuoyunun yerel ve uluslararası konulardaki görüşünde önemli bir faktör. Erdoğan’ı olumlu gören yetişkin Türkler: Türkiye için doğru şeyi yapması için ulusal hükûmete daha fazla güveniyor Mayıs 2023 seçimlerinin adil ve doğru bir şekilde yürütüldüğüne dair daha fazla güven duyuyor Hükûmetin gelecekteki doğal afetlere hazırlık için gerekli önlemleri alacağına daha fazla güven duyuyor Türkiye’de demokrasinin şu anki işleyiş biçiminden daha memnun Güçlü bir lidere dayanan bir hükûmet biçimini daha fazla destekliyor Ordu, dini liderler ve mahkemeler gibi grupların ve kurumların ülke üzerinde olumlu bir etkiye sahip olduğunu görme olasılığı daha yüksek Çin ve Rusya’ya karşı daha olumlu, bu ülkelerin liderlerine karşı daha fazla güven duyuyor Türkler dış ilişkiler konusunda diğer ülkelere çoğunlukla olumsuz not veriyor: Çoğunluk ABD’ye (%80 olumsuz), Çin’e (%66) ve Rusya’ya (%65) karşı olumsuz görüşlere sahip. Türkler ayrıca ABD Başkanı Joe Biden (%87 güvenmiyor) ve eski ABD Başkanı Donald Trump (%86) dahil olmak üzere sorduğumuz diğer uluslararası siyasi liderlere karşı güven düzeylerinin düşük olduğunu bildiriyor. Rapordaki ek önemli bulgular: Uluslararası kuruluşların görüşleri Yetişkinlerin çoğunluğu (%56) Türkiye’nin AB’ye üye olmasını desteklerken, %36’sı üyeliğe karşı çıkıyor. 2017 yılında Türklerin yalnızca %40’ı AB’ye katılmayı desteklediği ve %51’i buna karşı çıktığı için bu, büyük bir değişime işaret ediyor. 2017’den önce, Türklerin yarısı veya daha fazlası AB’ye katılımı destekliyordu. Türkiye’nin NATO’ya yönelik tutumu, özellikle Rusya’nın 2022’de Ukrayna’yı işgal etmesinden bu yana iyileşti. 2011 ile 2019 yılları arasında Türklerin sadece dörtte biri savunma ittifakına olumlu bakıyordu; bugün ise bu oran %42. (2017 yılında Türkiye’de yaptığımız anket, ülke kamuoyunda büyük yankı uyandıran Erdoğan hükûmetine karşı başarısız darbe girişiminin üzerinden sekiz ay geçtikten sonra gerçekleştirildi.) Türk hükûmetine ve liderlerine güven Genel olarak, yetişkin Türkler ulusal hükûmetlerine sınırlı düzeyde güven duyuyorlar. Yaklaşık yarısı (%51) hükûmetin ülke için doğru olanı yapacağına güvenmiyor. Benzer bir oran (%53), Mayıs 2023’te yapılacak başkanlık seçiminin adil ve doğru bir şekilde yürütüldüğüne güvenmiyor. Her on Türkten altısı (%61’i), hükûmetin gelecekteki doğal afetlere hazırlık için gerekli önlemleri alacağından emin değil. Yetişkin Türklerin yaklaşık üçte biri hem Erdoğan’a hem de 2023 Cumhurbaşkanlığı seçiminde rakibi olan Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi eski lideri Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’na karşı olumsuz görüşe sahip. (Anketimiz, Kılıçdaroğlu’nun Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Genel Başkanlığından alınmasının ardından yapılmıştır.) Demokrasi ve diğer hükûmet biçimlerine ilişkin görüşler Yetişkin Türklerin üçte biri ülkelerinde demokrasinin işleyiş biçiminden memnun. Diğer üçte ikisi ise memnuniyetsizliklerini dile getiriyor, bunların arasında hiç memnun olmadıklarını söyleyen %37’lik bir kesim de var. Türkler büyük ölçüde askeri yönetim veya güçlü bir lider gibi demokratik olmayan sistemlere kıyasla demokratik hükûmet biçimlerini tercih ediyor. On yetişkin Türk’ten sekizi, temsili demokrasinin (vatandaşlar tarafından seçilen temsilcilerin neyin yasa olacağına karar verdiği bir sistemin) ülkeyi yönetmek için iyi bir yöntem olacağını söylüyor. Neredeyse aynı oranda Türk (%79) doğrudan demokrasi (seçilmiş yetkililerin değil, vatandaşların önemli ulusal konularda doğrudan oy kullanarak neyin yasa olacağına karar verdiği bir sistem) hakkında aynı şeyi söylüyor. Yetişkin Türklerin yaklaşık üçte biri (%34), güçlü bir lider tarafından yönetimin Türkiye’yi yönetmek için iyi bir yol olacağını söylerken, Türkiye’de yalnızca %14’ü askeri yönetimin iyi bir yönetim şekli olacağını söylüyor; böylece askeri yönetim en az popüler siyasi sistem haline geliyor. Ancak, askeri yönetime destek 2017 yılında %9 iken bu oran yükseldi. Toplumsal çatışmalar ve kurumlara ilişkin görüşler Türkler, ülkelerinde farklı siyasi partileri destekleyen insanlar arasında özellikle güçlü çatışmalar görüyor (%77). Daha küçük bir çoğunluk, farklı etnik kimliklere sahip insanlar arasında güçlü çatışmalar olduğunu söylüyor (%59). Nüfusun büyük çoğunluğunun Müslüman olduğu bir ülkede yetişkinlerin yaklaşık yarısı (%47), farklı dinlere mensup Türkler arasında şiddetli çatışmalar yaşandığını söylüyor. Çoğunluk, polisin ve ordunun Türk toplumu üzerinde olumlu bir etkisi olduğunu söylüyor (%78 ve %62). Yetişkinlerin üçte biri veya daha azı, medyanın, büyük uluslararası şirketlerin ve bankaların ve diğer finansal kurumların olumlu bir etkisi olduğunu söylüyor. Bunlar, 29 Ocak – 11 Mart 2024 tarihleri arasında 1.049 Türk yetişkinle yüz yüze görüşmeler yoluyla gerçekleştirilen yeni Pew Research Center anketinin temel bulguları arasında yer alıyor. Anket, Türklerin Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’ı yeniden seçtiği 2023 cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimlerinden sonra, ancak Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’nin (AKP) tarihinin en kötü seçim yenilgisini yaşadığı 2024 yerel seçimlerinden önce gerçekleştirildi. Raporun tamamını okuyun (İngilizce): https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/10/16/turks-lean-negative-on-erdogan-give-national-government-mixed-ratings/ Metodoloji: https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/10/16/methodology-turkey/ Anketin manşeti: https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2024/10/pg_2024.10.16_turkey_topline.pdf Bu basın bülteni orijinal İngilizce’den Türkçe’ye çevrilmiştir. source

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Trump and Harris Supporters Differ on Mass Deportations but Favor Border Security, High-Skilled Immigration

Majority of Trump backers say more immigrants would make life worse for people like them; most Harris backers say life wouldn’t change Pew Research Center conducted this study to understand Americans’ views on immigration and immigration policy prior to the 2024 presidential election.For this analysis, we surveyed 9,201 adults – including 7,569 registered voters – from Aug. 5 to 11, 2024. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), a group of people recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses who have agreed to take surveys regularly. This kind of recruitment gives nearly all U.S. adults a chance of selection. Surveys were conducted either online or by telephone with a live interviewer. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other factors. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. Here are the questions used for the report, the topline and its methodology. Harris supporters are respondents who said they would vote for Kamala Harris, the Democrat, if the 2024 presidential election were held today, or those who said they would not vote for any of the candidates but lean toward Harris. Trump supporters are respondents who said they would vote for Donald Trump, the Republican, if the 2024 presidential election were held today, or those who said they would not vote for any of the candidates but lean toward Trump. In a presidential race where immigration has become a key and contentious issue, a Pew Research Center survey shows wide differences and common ground on immigration policy among registered voters who support Donald Trump and Kamala Harris. The candidates have taken sometimes sharply different positions on immigration issues that divide their supporters: Nearly nine-in-ten Trump supporters (88%) favor mass deportations of immigrants living in the country illegally. In contrast, only 27% of Harris supporters favor mass deportations while 72% oppose. More than a third of Trump supporters (37%) favor allowing undocumented immigrants to live and work in the U.S. if they are married to an American citizen, compared with 80% of Harris supporters who say the same. About half of Trump supporters (49%) support admitting more civilian refugees who are escaping war or violence, but a majority of Harris supporters (85%) say the same. On other immigration issues, Trump and Harris supporters share more common ground: Improving border security is supported by large majorities of both Trump supporters (96%) and Harris supporters (80%). Admitting more high-skilled immigrants is favored by 71% of Trump supporters and 87% of Harris supporters. These findings come from a bilingual, nationally representative survey of 9,201 adults – including 7,569 registered voters – conducted Aug. 5-11, 2024, ahead of the Democratic National Convention and about a month before the Sept. 10 presidential debate. The U.S. immigrant population has grown sharply over the decades, from 9.6 million in 1970 to 31.1 million in 2000 and almost 48 million in 2023. These totals account for immigrants in the country both legally and illegally. Immigrants make up about 14.3% of the nation’s population, a near-record high. They are dispersed across all states and metro areas. And nearly three-quarters of registered voters say they know someone who was born outside of the United States, according to the survey. Trump supporters have a more negative view than Harris supporters on the impact of immigrants on their lives. A majority of Trump supporters (59%) say that the increasing number of immigrants will make things worse for people like them. But a majority of Harris supporters (65%) say that the increasing number of immigrants will make no difference in their lives, with only 11% saying it will make life worse for people like them. Trump supporters have a mixed view about the impact of legal immigration on the country. A majority say immigrants living in the country legally either make the economy better (31%) or don’t have much of an effect on it (38%), while 29% say these immigrants make the economy worse. By contrast, a clear majority of Harris supporters (62%) say immigrants living in the U.S. legally make the economy better. Trump supporters have a much more negative view of the impact of illegal immigration. An overwhelming majority of Trump supporters (92%) say immigrants living in the country illegally make crime worse, compared with 37% of Harris supporters. Notably, American voters have become less likely than in recent years to say undocumented immigrants should be allowed to stay in the country. About six-in-ten U.S. registered voters (59%) in the new survey say undocumented immigrants should be allowed to stay in the country legally if certain requirements are met, down from 77% who said the same in 2017. Most Harris supporters (87%) say that there should be a way for undocumented immigrants to stay in the country legally, compared with only a third of Trump supporters (33%). In the 2024 presidential race, Trump supporters place far more importance on immigration than Harris supporters. For Trump supporters, 82% say immigration is very important to their vote in the 2024 presidential election, trailing only the economy in importance, according to a Center survey conducted in late August to early September. By contrast, just 39% of Harris supporters say the issue of immigration is very important to their presidential vote this year, behind all other issues asked about in the survey, including health care, Supreme Court appointments, the economy, abortion, gun policy and climate change. Immigration to U.S. has rebounded from pandemic-era lows Legal immigration to the U.S. has started to increase after a steep decline during the COVID-19 outbreak, according to Center analysis of data from the Department of Homeland Security. In 2023, about 1.1 million immigrants became lawful permanent residents of the U.S., a return to pre-pandemic levels. In addition, a record number of immigrants crossed the U.S.-Mexico border without authorization at the end of 2023, though these flows have since dropped sharply. Both Republicans and Democrats have been critical of the

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3. How Asian Americans see the U.S. immigration system

With more than half of Asian Americans born outside the United States, a share that rises to 67% among Asian American adults, engagement with the U.S. immigration system is a common experience. Asian American immigrants interact with the nation’s immigration system in different ways. Some Asian immigrants came to the U.S. under differing visa categories, including student visas and temporary work visas. Others obtained permanent residencies through family sponsorship, employment-based preferences, and diversity and refugee categories, among others. Asian immigrants’ engagement with the U.S. immigration system in numbers Some 13 million Asian immigrants live in the United States, making up 32% of legal immigrants and 16% of unauthorized immigrants among the foreign-born population in the U.S. in 2022, according to a Center analysis of the American Community Survey. About one-third of those obtaining lawful permanent residency (i.e., people getting a “green card”) in 2022 were born in Asia, according to an analysis of data from the Department of Homeland Security. Among those admitted under employment-based preferences, more than 60% were born in Asia; the largest numbers were from India, China and the Philippines. Among refugees and people granted asylum in 2022, about a quarter were born in Asia. Large numbers of people from Asia are admitted each year as lawful temporary migrants to work or study in the U.S. In 2022, about 70% of arrivals of temporary workers in specialty occupations (H-1B visas) were born in Asia; roughly two-thirds (64%) of arrivals on H1-B visas were granted to immigrants from India. About one-sixth of temporary managers (L-1 visas) were from Asia. Among international students arriving on F-1 visas, more than 40% were from Asia. Nearly 20% of all students arriving on F-1 visas are from India, more than 10% from China and about 5% from Korea. Today, 60% of Asian immigrants are citizens. Another 28% are in the country legally as lawful permanent residents (20%) or temporary lawful immigrants (8%). And 13% are in the country without authorization, according to Pew Research Center estimates of the 2022 American Community Survey. This chapter explores how Asian Americans’ views of the U.S. immigration system are linked with their diverse backgrounds. It also examines how U.S.-born Asian Americans see the U.S. immigration system and immigration policy goals. Do Asian immigrants think the U.S. immigration system needs to change? Overall, 59% of Asian immigrants say the U.S. immigration system needs to be completely changed or needs major changes. Views vary by factors such as ethnicity and the main reason for immigrating. Main reason for immigrating: About six-in-ten immigrants who came to the U.S. for educational or economic opportunities say the immigration system needs large changes, while about half of those who came to be with family say the same (53%). Ethnicity: 70% of Indian immigrants say the U.S. immigration system needs complete or major changes, a higher share than among other ethnic groups. Political party: Notably, views don’t vary by party among Asian immigrants. Republicans (61%) and Democrats (60%), including those who lean to each party, are equally likely to say the system needs complete or major changes. Among U.S.-born Asian American adults, 73% say the immigration system needs to be completely changed or major changes, a higher share than among Asian immigrants (59%). Still, large majorities of both are critical of the U.S. immigration system. On the other hand, 25% of the U.S. born say the system needs minor or no changes, while 39% of immigrants say the same. What U.S. immigration policy goals are important to Asian immigrants? The survey, conducted between July 2022 and January 2023, asked Asian American adults about their views on specific immigration policy goals. Among Asian immigrants: 86% say encouraging more highly skilled individuals to migrate and work in the U.S. is a very or somewhat important goal. 82% say making it easier for U.S. citizens or legal residents to sponsor a family member to immigrate to the U.S. is important. 76% say establishing stricter policies to prevent people from overstaying their visas is an important goal. 73% say allowing immigrants who came to the country illegally as children to remain in the U.S. and apply for legal status is an important policy goal. 64% say creating a way for most immigrants currently in the country illegally to stay here legally is an important goal. 62% say increasing deportations of immigrants currently in the country illegally is an important goal. By political party Among Asian immigrants, Democrats are more likely than Asian immigrant Republicans to prioritize U.S. immigration policy goals that encourage immigration: 86% of these Democrats and Democratic leaners say making it easier for U.S. citizens or legal residents to sponsor a family member to immigrate to the U.S. should be an important policy goal, compared with 78% of Asian immigrant Republicans and leaners. 83% say allowing immigrants who came to the country illegally as children to remain in the U.S. and apply for legal status is important, compared with 60% of Asian immigrant Republicans.  73% say creating a way for most immigrants currently in the country illegally to stay here legally should be an important goal, compared with 51% of Asian immigrant Republicans. Meanwhile, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say goals that restrict illegal immigration are important for U.S. immigration policies: Most (83%) say establishing stricter policies to prevent people who enter the country legally from overstaying their visas is an important U.S. immigration policy goal. A smaller majority of Asian immigrant Democrats (73%) say this. Republicans in this group are also much more likely than Democrats to favor increasing deportations of immigrants in the country illegally (82% vs. 50%). Notably, among Asian immigrants, only one policy goal received bipartisan support: encouraging more highly skilled individuals from around the world to immigrate and work in the U.S. (84% of Republicans and 87% of Democrats view this policy goal as important). By ethnicity Asian immigrants’ views also vary across ethnic groups. For example: Chinese immigrants (69%) are less likely than some other ethnic

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1. How closely are Americans following election news, and what are they seeing?

About seven-in-ten Americans surveyed in September (69%) say they are following news about the presidential candidates for the 2024 election very (28%) or fairly (40%) closely. More people say they are tuning in to election news as Election Day gets closer. In April, 58% of U.S. adults said they were following the election at least fairly closely, and by July, that number had risen to 65%. Attention in 2020 also increased closer to that election. A survey conducted in late August and early September 2020 found that 66% of Americans said they were very or fairly closely following news about candidates Joe Biden and Donald Trump, while in late September and early October 2016, 74% of respondents were following news about Trump and Hillary Clinton. This year, the rise in attention to the election has been driven by Democrats. While Republicans and independents who lean toward the GOP were somewhat more likely than Democrats and Democratic leaners to be following the election at least fairly closely in April and July, the two parties are now about equally likely to say they are following news about the candidates very or fairly closely (70% vs. 71%, respectively). The July survey was conducted July 1-7, before Biden announced his withdrawal as the Democratic candidate on July 21. On Aug. 5, Vice President Kamala Harris was confirmed as his replacement. Older Americans are paying much closer attention to election news than are younger adults, mirroring patterns in overall attention to news. About half of U.S. adults ages 18 to 29 (53%) say they are following news about the candidates at least fairly closely, compared with 85% of those ages 65 and older. And older adults are nearly four times as likely as Americans under 30 to say they’re following election news very closely (46% vs. 12%). The 2024 campaign events that Americans have heard or read about most In a 2024 presidential campaign season that has seen a number of major and dramatic events, three of them stand out in terms of the public’s exposure to that news. Fully 70% of U.S. adults say they have heard or read a lot about Harris replacing Biden as the Democratic presidential candidate. Close behind is the July 13 assassination attempt on former President Donald Trump during a Pennsylvania rally, with 66% saying they have heard a lot about that. (The survey questions were finalized before the second assassination attempt on Trump in September.) Finally, reinforcing reports of a large viewing audience, 64% of Americans say they heard a lot about the Sept. 10 ABC debate between Trump and Harris. Much smaller shares say they have heard or read a lot about several other topics mentioned in the survey. These include the vice presidential candidates, Republican JD Vance (36%) and Democrat Tim Walz (32%); the Democratic (29%) and Republican (24%) National Conventions; and third-party candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. endorsing Trump when he withdrew from the race (22%). Still, large majorities say they have heard at least a little about each of these topics. Similar shares of the two parties say they have heard or read a lot about the first attempted assassination of Trump in July. But on each other campaign topic measured by the survey, there are partisan differences in how much people have heard. For instance, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say they have heard or read a lot about Harris replacing Biden as the nominee (76% vs. 67%). And the gap is larger when it comes to the debate between Harris and Trump, with 72% of Democrats saying they heard a lot about it, compared with 58% of Republicans. Democrats also are more likely than Republicans to have heard a lot about not only Walz (41% vs. 25%) but also Vance (41% vs. 34%). Four-in-ten Democrats say they heard or read a lot about the Democratic National Convention, compared with 21% of Republicans who say the same. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say they heard a lot about the Republican National Convention, but the gap is smaller (29% vs. 20%). Republicans are modestly more likely than Democrats to say they have heard or read a lot about Kennedy endorsing Trump when he dropped out of the race (27% vs. 19%). What Americans want in campaign coverage – and what they actually see The survey asked respondents what kinds of news about the presidential candidates they are most interested in seeing. Topping the list is news about the candidates’ stances on issues, with 75% of U.S. adults saying they are extremely or very interested in this. 60% are extremely or very interested in the candidates’ moral characters. About half are highly interested in the candidates’ career experiences and their actions and comments on the campaign trail (49% each). 42% express high levels of interest in who is leading the race. And trailing far behind, only 14% say they are extremely or very interested in the candidates’ personal lives. Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents are considerably more likely than Republicans and GOP leaners to be highly interested in the candidates’ moral characters (69% vs. 52%). The survey also asked which of these six types of election news Americans see most often, and the top areas of interest for Americans do not always line up with what they are actually seeing the most news about. By far, the leading topic seen by Americans is news about the candidates’ actions and comments on the campaign trail: 40% say they see the most news about this, even though it is not among the top two topics in terms of interest. Smaller shares say they see the most news about the candidates’ stances on issues (17%), the candidates’ moral characters (14%) or the political horse race (13%). Just 8% say the most common type of election news they see involves the candidates’ personal lives, while 3% most often see news about the candidates’ career experiences. source

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